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C 2002)
Journal of Adult Development, Vol. 9, No. 1, January 2002 (°
Lifespan Development Revisited: African-Centered
Spirituality Throughout the Life Cycle
Evangeline A. Wheeler,1,2 Lena M. Ampadu,1 and Esther Wangari1
Traditionally in the field of psychology, most theories were developed from the perspective
of scholars from Western culture. Because of this, the generality of such theories is usually
limited, especially when applying them to people of African descent who have experienced
different realities of life as a function of worldwide racial oppression. Especially lacking in
the theories is a consideration of the role of spirituality in the development and psychological
well-being of people of African descent. The authors discuss the problems of Western theories
using Erikson’s model of life-span development as an example. They present the definition
of spirituality using an African-centered lens, and then propose a synthesis between Western
and non-Western developmental theories with the issue of spirituality placed in the center of
analysis.
KEY WORDS: African psychology; African American spirituality; African spirituality; psychological
oppression; spiritual psychology.
As human beings everywhere ultimately leave
childhood behind and enter a new life stage called
adulthood, major changes and decisions happen to
mark the transition. Typically these are such changes
and decisions as selection of a life partner, choices
regarding child rearing, career decisions, and “settling down.” There are also significant psychological
changes, as described by Western-culture researchers
like Erikson (1950), for example, who writes about
the psychological crisis to be resolved at each of his
eight stages of human development.
Erikson, who included a cross-cultural perspective in his work, wrote that all people go through eight
stages of socioemotional (or psychosocial) development in their lives, resolving an inevitable crisis at
each one. The first crisis of adulthood, for example, is
how to establish intimacy. The next crisis is one of creation and procreation. The last crisis of old age is acceptance of one’s already-lived life, and of imminent
death. This is an interesting order of things, because
1 Towson
Erikson proposes that people in this final stage also
achieve spiritual tranquility and acceptance of their
lives. From the point of view of African-centered psychology, it seems that achievement in this last stage
of adulthood might in fact occur earlier, because a
measure of spiritual tranquility is often necessary for
success in all subsequent stages of adulthood. It is
here that we arrive at one of the reasons that Western
theories cannot always be generalized to people of
African descent. We will continue to use Erikson’s
theory as a frame of reference, not for purposes of
deconstructing it, but rather to use it as a contrast to
developmental theory infused with African-centered
spiritual notions.
We consider the spiritual essence to be the critical
missing factor in explanations of life-span development relevant to people of African descent. In discussing what we mean by this there are three goals:
(1) to define and illustrate the centrality of spirituality in the healthy psychology of people of African
descent; (2) to explain the inadequacy of traditional
psychology as a model of healthy psychological development in people of African descent; and (3) to create a workable synthesis between traditional Western
University, Baltimore, Maryland.
2 To whom correspondence should be addressed at Psychology De-
partment, Towson University, Baltimore, Maryland 21252.
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C 2002 Plenum Publishing Corporation
1068-0667/02/0100-0071/0 °
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approaches to stage theories of human development
and the spirituality of African people. Though from
the beginning to end in this discussion we will often
refer to specifics of African American culture, we are
always also referring more generally to the psychocultural experiences of all people of Africa and the
African diaspora whether they be living in Europe,
Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Central America, or elsewhere. Also, in the spirit of interdisciplinary scholarship, we will use examples from psychology and from
literature, as other Afrocentric scholars have done
(e.g., Jones, 1989). This paper is written in the manner
of cross-cultural life-span developmental psychology,
as demonstrated by Baltes and Baltes (1990), who are
sensitive to sociohistorical contexts.
GOAL 1: AFRICAN-CENTERED
SPIRITUALITY, OUR DEFINITION
Within the field of psychology, a number of definitions of spirituality have been offered (e.g., see
Elkins, Hedstrom, Hughes, Leaf, & Saunders, 1988;
Jagers & Smith, 1996). Elkins et al. for example, synthesized a list of nine spirituality components as a
part of their definition of spirituality from a humanistic perspective: transcendent dimension; meaning
and purpose in life; mission in life; sacredness of life;
material values; altruism; idealism; awareness of the
tragic; and fruits of spirituality. Such definitions facilitate academic discussions of spirituality, but the
problem with this and some other popular conceptions is that they developed out of the intellectual
formulations of Western thinkers rather than out of
the direct experiences and articulations of Africandescended people. Admittedly, there is a certain irony
in attempts to define a concept which defies strict definitional boundaries. We believe, though, that workable operational definitions can be created and used
in an academic format. In defining the concept of spirituality of African-descended people, we attempt to
include the major factors influencing it.
One of these factors is the longstanding history
of worldwide oppression of African people. Spirituality holds a unique position in the psychology of
African-descended people since, because of white
racism around the world, people of African descent
and people of European descent experience life differently and thus could be expected to develop dramatically different psychological processes. Given
this difference in life experiences, it is not surprising that African-descended people have developed
psychological strategies for making the transition
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Wheeler, Ampadu, and Wangari
through the various stages of life which may not
be described by Western-culture inspired theories.
These different experiences usually result in varying perspectives, assumptions, expectations, levels
of trust, issues of identity, coping styles, and selfesteem. According to an example from Wilson (1993),
the psychological character and behavior of African
Americans whether labeled normal or abnormal can
be comprehended only in terms of the historic power
relations between privileged and oppressed groups
here in the United States. Spirituality tinged with an
acute awareness of social conditions is the uniqueness
offered from the lived experiences of black people descended from Africa.
Allow us to take the particular example of
African American spirituality because it is this group
of African-descended people currently most represented in the psychological literature. Recurrent in
the history of African American culture is a theme
pertaining to their psychological health, suggesting
a need for the salubrious effects of a spiritual orientation. This is the theme of slavery. Supported by
the social stigma attached to being an African person,
slavery itself was designed as an institution to destroy
self-esteem and self-identity. Consider the following
as an example (from Guthrie, 1998) of how nineteenth century scientists interpreted the mental health
of African people. Guthrie explains that as enslaved
Africans tried to cope with the dehumanizing aspects
of slavery, they often attempted physical escape from
bondage. Scientists labeled this behavior the so-called
mental illness draptomania, described as the insane
desire to escape from slavemasters (original source:
Cartwright, 1851). It was said to afflict Africans after
moods of sullenness, and the preventative was to treat
them like children.
It was also in the nineteenth century that scientists began measuring blackness in terms of hair
texture, shades of skin color, thickness of lips, and
shape of skulls (Gould, 1993). But what has all this to
do with our definition of spirituality? One could dismiss such early anthropometric research as the work
of scientists living in a racist milieu were it not for
the connection between their early work and current
twenty-first century issues of psychological development in blacks. Their findings helped to create ideas
on ideal skin tone (Clark & Clark, 1939, 1940) and
hair texture that became precursors for current selfesteem issues among blacks. Spirituality plays a role
in helping to overcome issues of negative self-esteem
as African-descended people appeal to supernatural
forces, God and gods to restore positive self-concepts.
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African Spirituality and Lifespan Development
People of Africa and the African diaspora have
come to express a similar spirituality in many different ways from each other given the singular influences from African, European, Islamic, and Native
American cultures with whom they have lived. Yet,
they are alike in that all recognize the special priority of their African roots. Each spiritual tradition,
in its development in varying cultural contexts, was
presented with particular challenges to its fight for
survival, which in turn shaped the development of its
cultural heritage. For example, in the republic of Haiti,
Africans transformed their traditional religion into
voudoun spirituality as the country achieved independence from France in 1804. In Brazil, where slavery was not outlawed until 1888, a different spiritual
expression, candomblé, developed. In preabolition
Cuba free people of color made up nearly one third of
the colony’s African population, whereas scarcely one
ninth of antebellum Virginia’s African people were
free. Santeria grew in Cuba while in North America
the Black church gained ascendance.
Although not delving deeply into the particular
constructions of these spiritual traditions of Africa
and the African diaspora—voudoun, candomblé, santeria, revival Zion (an Afro-Christian religious sect in
Jamaica), the African American Christian church, to
name some of them—we can say they are alike in
that each shares a sociocultural history of enslavement both psychological and physical, and of racial
discrimination. The various traditions all developed,
to some extent, as a reaction against psychological
oppression. There continue today to be sociocultural
influences on the varieties of contemporary African
American spiritual practices such as the Yoruba
(a traditional African religion from Nigeria), the
Akan (a traditional African religion from Ghana), the
Moors, the Nation of Islam, and the Hebrew Israelites.
Each spiritual tradition became the focus for
an extraordinary struggle against and triumph over
local systems of brutal psychological and physical exploitation. They share an elevated sense of solidarity
against injustice and a commitment to the protection and advancement of their communities. Many
spiritual rituals of African people have certain elements in common. Most of them share rhythmic
drumming, dancing, the use of trance as catharsis,
and call-response that encourages active participation
in worship. Afrocentric scholars like Nobles (1976),
Ani (1997), and Welsing (1991), while not developmental theorists, all include spirituality as consequential in their definitions of healthy psychological
functioning throughout life. Collectively, they define
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spirituality as the vital life force that animates us and
connects us to the rhythms of the universe, nature,
the ancestors, and the community. A full realization
and acceptance of the fact that our spiritual force is
a primary drive leads to bonding with community in
ways that alleviate psychological suffering caused by
centuries of oppression.
GOAL 2: THE PROBLEMS WITH STAGE
THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT
Now that we have described important components of spirituality in the context of Africa and the
African diaspora, we turn to a discussion of the problems in fitting this definition into traditional stage theories of human development. There are two problems,
as conceptualized broadly for this paper: (1) the way
in which stage theories were used historically to aid in
the psychological and political oppression of certain
groups, and (2) the implicit cultural values of stage
theories. Note that we are not addressing here the
nonrace-based criticisms of stage (vs. continuity) theories found throughout the current literature. We will
end this section with a brief critique of Western theories in general, then move on to suggestions for solutions and synthesis.
The first problem concerns, of all things, politics, and the struggle for which view of human
nature should dominate—and why. Until the middle of the nineteenth century in Europe, several
worldviews about human identity and difference
competed for cultural and political authority. Theological discourses, for example, rivaled scientific ones
for legitimacy, and potentially offered alternative
worldviews for the representation of human variation. But, by the middle of the century, science had
replaced other discourses in the authoritative representation of the facts of nature. How this happened
is a topic for another paper, but thus rose the popularity of science-based stage theories. Their eminence
in the nineteenth century coincided not only with the
popularity of Darwin’s theory of evolution, but also
with the nascent colonial imperialism of the time. Now
stage theories could be used to justify ranking and categorizing people of the world, placing Europeans at
the top levels of the hierarchy. As one of many examples, the German philosopher Hegel ranked all societies on a scale based on classification of religious
beliefs, ranking at the top, Christianity, which came to
be used as a weapon of oppression. Colonized and enslaved African people were forbidden to practice their
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traditional spirituality and were offered the “white
man’s” religion instead.
Social scientists Morgan (1877) and Spencer
(1876) proposed that humanity had progressed
from savagery to civilization in a series of stages.
Lévy-Bruhl’s “great divide” theory (Lévy-Bruhl,
1928) separated the thinking processes of Westerners
and non-Westerners, ranking that of non-Westerners
as deficient. Historically, stage theories produced by
Westerners judged people from other cultures and
ethnic groups in terms of how closely they resembled Westerners, thereby always placing themselves in
a relatively superior level of development. Feminists
scholars call this the process of constructing the other
(Mohanty, 1991). Throughout history stage theories
provided justification for imposing Western-culture
rule around the world, because it could be demonstrated with scientific methods that European culture was—by definition of the European theorists—
superior. The utility, then, of a traditional stage-theory
approach thus becomes very suspect when we try to
use it to account for the normal psychological development of African people. Many people of Africa and
the African diaspora harbor a tenacious distrust of
scientific theory because history shows us that slavery
and colonialism were perpetuated with the support of
scientists.
A second, related problem with the application of
stage theories is the implicit assumption that the culture being described places a high value on individual
achievement. For instance, in Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, it is apparent that the successful progression through the eight stages results in the
individual becoming increasingly autonomous, independent, industrious, and self-initiating. These stages
embrace values of “rugged individualism,” and apply less to Africans’ traditional cultural infrastructure,
which tends to be firmly collectivist in orientation with
an emphasis on interpersonal relations and community. Instead, in African-centered psychology, the belief is that you can only know who you are after you
have achieved intimacy, not independence. The importance of this is that community becomes a source
of strength and serves as a cushion in terms of crisis.
An individual is never alone, and thus less likely to
need help in the form of psychotherapy. The values
associated with the West are replaced in African culture by interdependence, self-sacrifice, and dedication
to family and group members.
Most of the canonical life-span researchers and
stage theorists like Erikson do not typically include
any complete discussion of the role of spirituality in
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their theories of human psychological development.
Piaget (1952) does not mention spirituality in cognitive development, nor does Kohlberg (1984) address
it in moral development. According to Maslow’s theory of self-actualization (Maslow, 1962), people are
motivated first to satisfy biological, safety and belongingness needs before tackling the highest goal
of self-actualization. This hierarchy is in conflict with
the African-centered emphasis on social harmony and
spiritual interdependency as the highest attainment.
Yet another problem with stage theories is in
the conception of a linear progression through stages,
moving forward in time from less developed to more
developed psychological states. A more Africancentered approach would view adult development in
many dimensions with people passing through life
events when the time is right, and perhaps in nonlinear fashion (Dahl, 1995).
As a general critique, stage theories raise an issue
for groups of people not raised in the Western cultural
tradition: that any theory devoid of spirituality as a
primary focus cannot apply to a description of their
stages of development, for spirituality is an integral,
indispensable constituent of daily lives. How, then can
theories of life-span development presume to apply
universally? How can theories be revised to include
psychological elements that affect a large majority of
the world’s people, and not just those primarily of
Western culture? What are the major psychological
issues of adult life more generally?
Much of the writing and research directed at answering this last question has historically neglected to
include, to any large degree, the relevant experiences
of people of African descent. If we have an answer
to this question, it is one based on study of primarily middle-class people of European descent living in
Europe and the United States who share Western cultural values. In reaction to this, a number of authors
in the academic tradition of Afrocentric psychology
have addressed the inadequacy of applying models
of human functioning based on European-centered
assumptions and standards to the behavior of people of African descent (Akbar, 1981; Awanbor, 1982;
Azibo, 1989, 1991; Baldwin, 1985, 1986; Dixon, 1976;
Jackson, 1980; Kambon, 1998; Lambo, 1974; Nobles,
1976, 1980; White, 1972).
Furthermore, these theorists see the need even to
formulate different, specific diagnoses of psychological dysfunction in African-descended people, diagnoses that are culturally based and take into account
the ramifications of the conditions of longtime cultural oppression (Akbar 1981; Azibo, 1989; Baldwin,
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1984, 1986; Wilson, 1993). Recent clinical research
supporting such distinctions shows that interventions
with women of African descent that result in increased endorsement of Afrocentric values and beliefs, particularly a belief in spiritual, nonmaterially
based satisfaction, may lead to a reduction in psychological symptoms like depression, anxiety, and anger
(Dubois, 1999; also see Potts, 1991).
Thus, the problem with stage theories, from the
perspective of African-centered psychology, is that
they were initially used to justify imperialism,
and they usually assume that the individual is more
vital than community. There are other concerns, too.
GOAL 3: A SYNTHESIS OF AFRICAN
AND EUROPEAN THEORY
We return for a moment to Erikson. According
to African-centered psychology, one cannot function
as a self-assured, confident, and productive adult in
the community unless one has achieved, for instance,
Erikson’s last stage, first. But, of course, Erikson recognized cultural factors that might affect psychological development. That is, some societies make the
transitions through life changes much easier with rites
of passage, for instance, which serve to give the young
person a definite sense of who s/he is, lessening the
crisis of Erikson’s fifth stage: identity versus role confusion. This sort of acknowledgement of cultural factors is just one example of how African-centered and
Western theories can mesh.
Literature in Afrocentric psychology highlights
the various limitations of traditional psychological
approaches developed in a Western cultural context
when applied to people of African descent. To ameliorate the matter, researchers propose that an Africancentered perspective need be adopted, one that
explains how the African perspective operates in the
context of the diasporic family with regard to such
psychological issues as identity development, mental
health, self-esteem, and crisis intervention. It links the
context of African peoples’ lives to the traditions, values, and spiritual essence of traditional African culture in an attempt to acknowledge the African (and
generally, the non-Western) worldview.
An anthropologically-oriented work by a Jungian analyst (Buhrmann, 1987) has corroborated
the pervasiveness of spiritual focus in traditional
African “therapy” and healing, and has validated
the richness of specific African healing traditions as
a source of knowledge about human growth and
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healing. Buhrmann conducted an extensive study of
the sophisticated training procedures required of the
traditional healers of the Xhosa people of South
Africa. The study uncovered parallels to the process
of training Jungian analysts in the West, focusing on
the discovery of self-knowledge by introspection.
Quite obviously, people from all cultures and ethnic groups move through a number of psychological changes as they live life. In order to apply stage
theories of the life span to people of Africa and the
African diaspora, spirituality must be incorporated,
and should occupy indeed a privileged place. For people of African descent, spirituality pays attention to
key moments in the life span of each individual as well
as in the community.
Here is an illustration from anthropology of how
spirituality aids in the adult psychological development of a person of African descent. Hurston’s Tell
My Horse deserves recognition as a pioneering ethnographic study of Afro-Caribbean society and religion,
notable in particular for the author’s biting analysis
of the harsh effects of colonialism upon Black women
(Stein, 1996). Hurston suggests that Caribbean racial
and sexual inequities are grounded in the representation of black women as animals; because Caribbean
Black women are viewed as subhuman “donkeys,”
their sufferings can be dismissed as inevitable, and
the social pyramid which rests upon their backs can
be justified as only natural. However, as Hurston describes in Tell My Horse, voudoun ritual and belief
offer Black women an alternative spiritual model that
counters the colonial hierarchies that operate within
the denigration of Black women as nature’s incarnate.
Through rituals that locate the sacred within nature
and within female sexuality, voudoun challenges the
degradation of Black women as “donkeys.” Furthermore, when these “donkeys” become “horses” ridden
by the loas during voudoun spirit possession, colonial
class and color lines are called into question. Though
the metaphors of donkeys and horses may at first
sound laughable, there is a deep, relevant question
at stake. We ask, is there a place in current developmental models for description of this kind of psychological change? This example clearly represents,
through metaphorical analysis, the way in which a spiritual practice aids in the development of self-concept
and personhood.
To African-descended people around the world
spirituality is an integral element of daily existence.
In an African-centered framework, psychology and
theology (and spirituality) are not separate, the sacred and the secular are one, and psyche and spirit
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are united (Edwards, 1994). Although few authors of
textbooks in psychology are concerned with spirituality as a separate topic worthy of whole chapters,
to many people, the complete psychological development of a person cannot happen without it. Many
African American writers, on the other hand, have
recognized the relationship between spirituality and
psychological development and have presented several literary characters who have embarked on the
journey to self-realization (self-actualization?) only
when these characters have embraced revised forms
of spirituality. We suggest that literary figures can offer a way to integrate African-centeredness into our
theories. Janie Starks, the protagonist, in Their Eyes
Were Watching God (Hurston, 1937), while in her forties, gains a renewed sense of her spiritual self after
the death of her husband Joe. No longer attending the
Christian church, she undergoes a transformation into
a more self-confident woman who acts on her convictions regardless of what others say about her, after being spurred on by the blossoming pear tree. Thus, this
nature imagery and symbolism linked to the Africaninfluenced voudoun belief system plays a pivotal role
in Janie’s ascent to her self-awareness.
Similarly, Celie, the central character in The
Color Purple (Walker, 1982), begins undergoing a
metamorphosis as a young woman in her thirties.
After Shug Avery, the lover shared by both her and
her husband, instills in her the desire to find God for
herself, she rejects the notion of God as a white old
man commonly portrayed in Western society. However, she reenvisions God as being within her. This
redefinition begins her journey towards becoming a
woman who finally musters the courage to stand up
to an abusive husband.
And finally, in Praisesong for the Widow
(Marshall, 1983), Avey Johnson is a staid, aging widow
whose journey on a luxury cruise liner provides the occasion for an introspective review of her life. A dream
one night precipitates an emotional crisis. The recollection in the dream provides the symbolic backdrop
for an inner transformation in Avey, who ultimately
restores her connection to herself and her people, a
connection she had experienced as a child but had
lost in her struggle against racism. Though Avey had
achieved material success, she was not able to fulfill her spiritual self until she made this reconnection
with her ancestral past. As in Paule Marshall’s allegorical novel, many African American adults face reallife crises stimulated by lost spiritual connections with
themselves and their African cultural roots. A reconnection with spirituality can restore a proper inner
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Wheeler, Ampadu, and Wangari
balance, permitting a reorienting to outer life and a
more enhanced sense of self.
In contrast to these vivid literary examples, mainstream psychology textbook chapters on psychological development typically discuss how we learn love
and attachment, recognize human facial expressions,
learn gender roles, make friends, and face the crises of
adulthood as we grow through life, but rarely is there
any mention of forming spiritual bonds. Even in many
cross-cultural texts, the word “spirituality” cannot be
found in the index.
Of course, spirituality has historically been a
rather taboo topic in the scientific study of human behavior. After all, the study of spirit is antithetical to a
scientific orientation. And because discussions of spirituality are oftentimes confused with talk of religions
(see Mattis 2000, for a distinction), psychologists have
had to be careful not to tread too far from the scientific shore. But we offer the following as an example
of a more African-centered approach to scholarship
and knowledge generation, an approach that denies
the objectification of the subject of study. One of us,
who is a Kenyan woman, writes the following:
Faith and spirituality may mean different things to
different people depending on their religious orientation or beliefs. As an African woman, my spirituality, faith and determination are inseparable and can
only be understood within the context of community,
ancestors and nature. My faith and determination
begin with challenges my community and myself
have to face in daily life to achieve or to escape
from the natural calamities, scourges of imperialism, cultural globalization of the market, racism and
sexism. As a foreigner living in the United States,
I have to deal with the aforementioned factors including xenophobia. To weave through the daily
channels of racism is enough to send one to a psychiatric ward. Not to fulfill the assumptions and stereotype of an African woman in this country is met
with condescending remarks such as whether I have
been adopted by a white family in America. How
can one cope and not end up in a mental hospital?
The source of my spirituality that gives me guidance
on a daily basis is drawn upon the communion I
have with my ancestors, and community—the only
sacrament.
When things get so bad I retrieve the power of
my people dead or alive in order to walk through
my pains or my joys. People who have sought God
through the voices of a people pleading for rain in
time of drought, people who have persevered the
wrath of colonialism, neocolonialism, and the wrath
of racism. To pour a few drops of water on the earth
where my ancestors lie or on my chest is to ask for
blessings and guidance from those who have been
before me and have made it. (E. Wangari, Personal
Communication, 1999)
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CONCLUSION
Spirituality is deeply embedded in the healthy
life-span development of people of Africa and the
African diaspora. Spiritual issues do not wait to become pertinent in elderhood, as some theorists have
suggested. Rather an awareness of the spirit is instilled
from a very early age and reinforced through daily
practices. The centrality of spirituality, and its specific
current-day manifestation (not, of course, its origin) is
a legacy of the treatment that enslaved and colonized
Africans received all over the world beginning over
400 years ago.
African spirituality marks through ritual and ceremony many of the key moments in the life of the individual, particularly birth, initiation, marriage, and
death. Fully developed, general life-span theories
must describe rituals that people go through at each
stage of life for “psychologically the ritual concerned
gives the individual confidence in himself, and stimulates him to conduct himself with courage in his
new status” (Mbiti, 1975). Spirituality tells the individual at these moments that s/he exists because of
the community. Therefore the community celebrates
these key points on the life journey of the person. In
doing so the community is renewing its own life, and
reliving the cycle of its existence.
Spirituality concerns the age-old human quest to
seek fulfillment and transcendence amidst the welter
of human experience. It is something that permeates
all human activities and experiences rather than being
additional to them. It is a process of transformation
and growth. By incorporating an African-centered
point of view in Western theories and placing spirituality at the center of human development, we gain
a better appreciation for the enormous influence it has
on our cognitive, social, and emotional development.
To theorize, as Erikson does, about how psychological developm