Essay Grade

Chapter 8 Theories of Life Span Development
He’s getting a little thicker
’round the middle now, aren’t we all?
His long hair’s getting grey
and I can see the back roads in his face,
It’s weathered by the rain that he’s seen fall.
© BILL MUSE
2 MUSES (ASCAP)
Theories of Life Span Development
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describe processes of individual growth and development over the life cycle
delineate stages of development that correspond to specific age periods
focus on the individual’s mastery of skills and tasks
are useful in formulating assessment and intervention plans for individuals, families, and
small groups
The content on gay and lesbian development was coauthored by Mende Snodgress, JD, LCSW
and Barbara Becker, MPH. The section on shame resilience theory was authored by Brené
Brown, PhD (© 2004), and is used here with her permission. The section on bisexual identity
development was authored by Tom Brown, MS, PsyD.
Theories of life span development examine a wide variety of factors that contribute to
developmental processes and outcomes over the life span. Some theories address the entire life
cycle from birth to death, whereas others focus on specific stages such as infancy or old age.
Most address the mastery of skills and tasks related to biological, psychological, and social
development associated with specific age periods.
Historical Context
Early concepts of life stages can be found in Eastern and Western religious thought. The Talmud
described 14 stages, detailing a progression of development that encompasses religious, moral,
and cognitive learning as well as desired social roles and psychological traits. For example, age 5
is delineated for reading scripture, age 13 for assuming moral responsibility, age 15 for abstract
reasoning, age 20 for seeking a livelihood, age 60 for becoming an elder, and age 80 for
demonstrating special wisdom (Levinson, 1978, p. 325).
Sanskrit scholars depicted six stages of humanity: Saisav, childhood and the time of
innocence; Kaisore, late childhood and adolescence and the time for learning; Yauvan, early
adulthood and the time for marriage and occupation; Gaarhastha, the time for raising a
family; Vaanaprastha, the beginning of disengagement from life; and Sanyas, the completion of
disengagement and preparation for union with cosmic spirit. Literary references to life stages can
also be found in Shakespeare’s As You Like It, in which he portrayed the world as a stage, men as
players with many parts, and “acts being seven ages,” from infancy to old age and senility.
Scientific theories of life span development emerged in the early 20th century with Sigmund
Freud’s theory of psychosexual development and G. Stanley Hall’s study of adolescence,
published in 1904. Hall emphasized the biological basis of adolescent development and
characterized it as a time of turbulence, or “storm and stress” (Santrock, 1989).
Traditional theories emphasized developmental tasks during infancy, childhood, and adolescence
and characterized adulthood as a period of stability. Early theories portrayed personality and
character traits formed in childhood as the determining factors of adult adjustment and
functioning. In contrast, contemporary theories, sometimes known as the life cycle perspective,
focus on change during adult years and recognize the potential for growth and development
throughout life. Although they reject the notion that childhood experiences determine later life,
they acknowledge the role of early development as a foundation for adulthood (Datan,
Rodehaver, & Hughes, 1987; Hetherington & Baltes, 1988; Santrock, 2005). Interest in adult
development and the life cycle (or life span) perspective is relatively new and has emerged in the
latter half of the 20th century (Havighurst, 1972; Santrock, 2005). Friedan (1993) has pointed
out that recent interest in adult development is linked to the increase in life expectancy; life
expectancy increased by 30 years for men and almost 40 years for women since 1900, when life
expectancy was 46 years. Thus, interest in development after early adulthood is a result of longer
life.
Key Concepts
Central to all theories of life span development are the concepts of growth and development. R.
M. Thomas (1985) noted that growth usually refers to a “change in size,”
whereas developmentrefers to “change in the complexity and functions of the individual” (p. 39).
These terms, however, are often used interchangeably to denote changes in both size and
function. Santrock (1989) expanded this definition by pointing out that in addition to growth,
development can include decay and deterioration (as in the process of death).
The nature of human development consists of complex interaction between biological,
psychological, and social processes. These processes involve changes in physical structure and
function and changes in perception, cognition, emotion, reasoning, personality, language, and
relationships with others. They are interwoven and interdependent and are impacted by both
genetic inheritance and environmental factors.
Life span theories usually divide the life cycle into age-related stages or phases. Approximate
age “bands” are used to define the beginning and end of each stage. Although theorists vary in
their descriptions of tasks related to each stage, most are in close agreement with Santrock’s
(1989) delineation of developmental periods: prenatal (conception to birth), infancy (birth to 18
or 24 months), early childhood (18 or 24 months to 5 or 6 years), middle and late childhood (6–
11 years), adolescence (10 or 12 to 18 or 22 years), early adulthood (18 to early 20s to
30s), middle adulthood (35 or 45 to 45 or 65 years), and late adulthood (60 or 70 years to death).
In an analysis of life span research in developmental psychology, Baltes (1973, 1987) delineated
additional characteristics of the life span approach. Development is seen as contextual,
multidirectional, and malleable. The social, cultural, economic, political, physical, and biological
contexts that shape development theoretically allow for numerous paths and directions as well as
opportunities for change. As development takes place over the entire life span, no one period or
stage is necessarily dominant. Further, many believe that the multidimensional aspects of
development (biological, psychological, and social) necessitate a multidisciplinary and
interdisciplinary approach. Finally, human development is embedded in a historical context and
must be viewed in relation to historical events that shape the context of society.
As Neugarten (1985) has noted, however, the terms life span and life course(which are
sometimes seen as synonymous) differ in their basic intellectual concerns and foci. Life span, as
used by psychologists, focuses on the inner life, while life course, as used by sociologists,
“emphasizes turning points when the ‘social persona’ undergoes change,” such as “age-sexrelated role transitions” (p. 297).
As already noted, life span theories encompass numerous aspects of development. The primary
focus of this chapter is on theories of personality and social development from a psychological
perspective, many of which build on the works of Sigmund Freud and Erik Erikson. We include
here basic information on physical development throughout the life cycle and suggest that more
complete content can be found in textbooks that focus exclusively on life cycle development.
Other theories of human development (cognitive, moral, phenomenological, symbolic
interactionist, behavioral, and transpersonal) are discussed in the following chapters. We realize
that this division is somewhat artificial, given the interrelatedness of developmental processes. It
does, however, reflect the nature of theory development in academic disciplines that are
increasingly specialized and somewhat fragmented. We strongly agree with Baltes (1973),
however, that the study of human behavior mandates a multi- and interdisciplinary approach.
Theoretical Knowledge About Physical Development
Our knowledge about biological, physical, and motor development is increasingly linked to
technological advances in genetics, neurophysiology, neurotransmission, biochemistry, and
medicine. Traditional research, based on clinical observations and physiological studies
with animals, has been greatly advanced by technology that now allows us to study in utero
development, biochemical processes of the brain, and genetic predisposition to a variety of
diseases. Consequently, our knowledge about prenatal development, the perceptual and cognitive
abilities of infants, brain functioning, disease, and aging processes has advanced greatly in the
last 25 years. It is safe to anticipate that there will be similar, if not greater, advances in the
coming decades as well.
It is important to note that the physical changes described here are not based on an inevitable
universal pattern of growth and decay. Rather, they reflect a pattern of development typical of
persons living in modern industrial and postindustrial societies. There is wide variation in
“normal” human aging, and cross-cultural research has shown that it is the interaction between
our genetic endowment and our social, cultural, and physical environment that determines how
we age.
As Eaton (1989–1990, p. 86) noted, “In the U.S. our expectations about aging are based on
parochial and inaccurate ideas. Many of the older Americans we see are handicapped by chronic
illnesses and the culturally sanctioned disuse of their mental and physical facilities.” Changes in
diet, fitness, and lifestyle will likely produce older people who are “more fit, less constrained and
more involved.” Given this caveat, Tables 8.1 and 8.2summarize current knowledge about
biological, physical, and motor development over the life span and the critical periods during
infancy and childhood that provide windows of opportunity for the development of vision,
feelings, language, and movement.
Theoretical Knowledge About Sexual Development
As discussed in Chapter 7, the first theory of childhood sexuality is attributed to Freud
(1962/1905) and his essays on the theory of sexuality. Although this theory has been criticized
for being unverifiable and for not reflecting the real world of children, he is credited with being
the first theorist to acknowledge the existence of childhood sexuality (Santrock, 2008). Kinsey,
Pomeroy, and Martin (1948/1998) and Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, and Gebhard
(1953/1998) published reports that provided initial information on childhood sexuality, although
the primary focus of these reports was on adult sexuality. Research conducted by Borneman
(1994) and translated from German provided the first systematic look at childhood sexual
development, but it was heavily influenced by Freudian thought and has been criticized for its
lack of empirical rigor (Okami, Olmstead, & Abramson, 1997).
There was scant research on children’s normal sexual development until the 1990s
when Friedrich, Grambsch, Broughton, Kulper, and Ubeilke (1991), Friedrich and
colleagues (1992), and Friedrich and Trane (2002)conducted longitudinal studies using items
from two validated instruments, the Child Behavior Checklist and the Child Sexual Behavior
Inventory. This research was an attempt to determine normative sexual behaviors in children
aged 2–12 who were not part of a clinical sample and who had no known or confirmed history of
sexual abuse. The studies relied on parent’s reports of their children’s sexual behaviors and
provides a valuable information about normal childhood development in preadolescents.
Friedrich et al. (1991, 1992) and Friedrich and Trane (2002) found that, in general, children
between 2 and 6 years exhibit a wide range of sexual behaviors and the variability is quite
extensive. However, they become more modest as they enter elementary school and the reported
frequency of sexual behaviors decreases with age until puberty. Further, they found that
children’s sexual behaviors are strongly influenced by their family and culture. Tables 8.3 and
8.4 summarize the variety of normal sexual behaviors that American children between ages 2–6
and 7–12 openly display. Table 8.5 shows the most infrequent sexual behaviors in children of all
ages. These behaviors are a potential cause for concern because they are relatively infrequent and
more closely mimic adult sexual behavior and possible sexual violence. T. C. Johnson (1999) has
urged caution in interpreting children’s sexual behaviors because young children do not
experience sexuality identically to adults due to significant age-related cognitive and
developmental differences. According to him, children’s sexual feelings are linked to attachment
and sensuality and it is easy to misinterpret the meaning of children’s sexual actions when we
place adult sexual constructs on child behavior. Although we are now beginning to understand
children’s sexual development, more research is needed to help us understand the full range of
normal and problematic sexual behaviors in children (Rademakers, Laan, & Straver, 2000;
Thanasiu, 2004). Theoretical Knowledge About Neurobiology and Neurotransmission As we
have seen thus far, most theories of human behavior used in social work examine social and
psychological processes and fail to account for the roles of biological processes that are central
to human behavior and functioning. Although it is beyond the scope of this book to cover the
vast fields of current knowledge about genetics, heritability, brain development, and the
complexities of brain functioning, excellent sources for social workers are Saleebey’s Human
Behavior and Social Environments: A Biopsychosocial Approach (2001) and Ginsberg,
Nackerud, and Larrison’s Human Biology for Social Workers: Development, Ecology, Genetics
& Health (2004). In addition, an excellent discussion of brain development and the implications
for understanding human behavior can be found in DeMoss’s Brain Waves Through Time: 12
Principles for Understanding the Evolution of the Human Brain and Man’s Behavior (1999).
According to him, with the advent of technological advances that allow us to study the brain,
scientific research has increasingly shown the central role of the brain in human behavior. As
Mohr (2003, p. 113) has noted:
Growing knowledge of the brain and the ways in which brain function affects mood, cognition,
and behavior have led to increased interest in the plasticity of the brain and the role of
neurotransmitters, the chemicals that carry messages between nerve cells (Beatty, 2001; Cynader
& Frost, 1999; Elbert, Heim, & Rockstroh, 2001; Le Doux, 2002). Neurotransmission has been
linked not only to normal developmental processes but also to psychiatric disorders and
substance abuse and dependence. Although research in this field has yielded exciting new
discoveries, DeMoss (1999, p. 9) has warned that “the sheer volume of information about the
brain is one of the biggest impediments to understanding and applying that information.”
Although knowledge in this field is still in its infancy, Table 8.6 summarizes current thinking
about some of the ways that selected neurotransmitters work in the body and the brain.
It is important to remember that many neurotransmitters interregulate each other, and the ways in
which various neurotransmitters work in concert with or against each other, as well as their role
in regulating behavior, is just recently beginning to be understood. That said, it is critical to
recognize that neuroscience alone cannot provide a full or adequate understanding of human
behavior because the human mind works with meaning, not just facts, and subjective experience
plays a large role in behavior. According to DeMoss, “Just as we are social creatures, our brains
are social brains” (1999, p. 227) and external social influences can impact the development of
both the mind and the brain. In groundbreaking work, Siegel (1999) synthesized concepts and
findings from the fields of neurobiology, child development, cognitive science, communication,
and object relations among others to show that “human connections shape the neural connections
from which the mind emerges” (p. 2).
The current fascination with neuroscience is, at least in part, an outgrowth of the rapidly growing
psychopharmaceutical industry and its ties to psychiatry and the Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR) (Cosgrove, 2010, Wood & Lowes, 2010). We
anticipate that this will continue with the DSM-V that is scheduled for publication in 2013.
Attempts to link mental illness and substance abuse to specific neurochemical processes have led
to an increasingly biological model of behavior. Although an understanding of neurobiology
certainly adds to our knowledge base, it is inherently reductionistic and fails to recognize the
social and relational nature of both human development and brain development. A fuller
understanding of human behavior must include an understanding of the way in which the brain,
the physical environment, the social environment, and behavior interact with one another
(DeMoss, 1999). Theories of Psychosocial Development: The Life Span Approach The life span
approach to psychological development originated in the 1950s with the work of Erik Erikson.
Although his theory falls clearly within the framework of the Freudian mainstream, Erikson was
one of the first reformulators to fully extend the idea of developmental stages to the entire life
span. Erikson’s delineation of adult developmental stages, combined with marked increases in
life expectancy, gave rise to a growing interest in old age, adult development, and psychosocial
changes between adolescence and old age (Hunter & Sundel, 1989; Santrock, 1989). Erik
Erikson: Eight Ages of Man Erik Erikson was born in Germany in 1902 and became a
naturalized American citizen in 1939. Although initially hired as a tutor in a progressive school
for children of Freud’s inner circle, he was quickly “adopted” by them and he began training in
child psychoanalysis. His reformulation of Freud’s theory has become one of the most accepted
and popular theories of human development in contemporary times. Using Freudian concepts for
his theoretical base, Erikson expanded the developmental paradigm to include three additional
stages of adult development from young adulthood through old age. He also minimized the
importance of id drives and focused on the healthy, adaptive qualities of the ego. For Erikson,
the ego played a significant role in the mastery of psychosocial tasks and mastery of the
environment. The ego was also critical in establishing and preserving one’s identity, which
Erikson saw as crucial for human existence. As Roazen (1976) has pointed out, Erikson not only
de-emphasized libidinal drives but also desexualized the Oedipal conflict. In his revision of
Freudian theory, he saw the Oedipal conflict as a phase of development that was historically
anchored in the context of Freud’s culture. Although Erikson retained a modified version of this
stage, he stressed the ambivalent feelings children experience during this conflict. In Childhood
and Society (1950), Erikson proposed an epigenetic model of human development. He coined the
term epigenesis, derived from epi (upon) and genesis (emergence), to indicate development
based on a “ground plan” out of which “parts arise” during specific times of “ascendancy” until
“all parts have arisen to form a functioning whole” (p. 53). Thus, Erikson fashioned his model of
psychosocial development after the growth of the infant in utero. The psychological unfolding of
personality, he believed, takes place in a prescribed sequence as we adapt to and interact with “a
widening social radius, beginning with the dim image of a mother and ending with mankind” (p.
54). According to Erikson, each stage of development is characterized by a crisis in which the
ego assists the individual in attaining a balance in a “series of alternative basic attitudes,” such as
trust and mistrust. The crisis in each life stage is marked by a conflict between two opposing
personality traits or basic attitudes, one of which is ego “syntonic” and the other, ego “dystonic.”
Healthy resolution involves a balance toward the syntonic quality while maintaining some of the
dystonic tendency. The resolution of each crisis further leads to the development of ego qualities
that he originally described as “virtues,” which are related to the specific crisis of each stage. He
later changed the term virtues to strengths. As we review Erikson’s theory, it is important to
remember that his first five stages are closely tied to those of Freud, with emphasis shifted from
the instincts of the id to the reality orientation of the conflict-free ego. Stage 1: Basic Trust
Versus Basic Mistrust During infancy (birth to 1 year), the child is dependent on mother for food
and care. As the child incorporates or takes in through sucking and swallowing, there is a
receptivity to what is being offered. The mother is responsible for coordinating the child’s
experience of getting and hers of giving. At the later part of this stage, the child’s eyes begin to
focus, and incorporation becomes more active as the child bites to hold on to things. If the
mother provides a predictable environment in which the child’s needs are met, a sense of basic
trust develops. This sense of trust implies not only sameness and continuity from the caretaker
but also self-trust in one’s capacity to cope with urges. According to Erikson, it is the quality
rather than the quantity of maternal care that is critical at this stage. Successful resolution leads
to a lasting ego quality of hope, an enduring belief that wishes can be fulfilled. Unsuccessful
resolution leads to a sense of mistrust in other people and the environment. Stage 2: Autonomy
Versus Shame and Doubt During early childhood (age 2–3), the child learns a sense of autonomy
through retention and elimination of urine and feces. As the child’s muscles mature to the point
that bodily wastes can be retained or expelled at will, the child experiments with two
simultaneous social modalities—holding on and letting go. Parents must be firm and tolerant so
that the child can gradually learn bowel and bladder control and a “sense of self-control without
loss of self esteem” (Erikson, 1950, p. 70). From this emerge a sense of autonomy and pride and
the lasting ego quality of willpower, the determination to use free choice and self-restraint.
Unsuccessful resolution of this stage leads to lifelong feelings of shame and doubt. Stage 3:
Initiative Versus Guilt During the play age (3–5 years), increased locomotor mastery (walking
and running) gives the child a wider radius of goals. In addition, language skills add to the ability
to imagine “so many things that he cannot avoid frightening himself with what he himself has
dreamed and thought up” (Erikson, 1950, p. 78). The Oedipal wishes and the ambivalent feelings
that accompany them must be repressed to temporarily mask the initiative toward the oppositesex parent. While this initiative is a prerequisite for masculine and feminine behaviors later in
life, it is now repressed out of necessity—to avoid the guilt that would accompany knowledge of
incestuous thoughts. Parents assist the child in learning appropriate roles, including gender roles,
as the child diverts the sexual drive into acceptable activities. At this point, conscience, or
superego, becomes established to govern the initiative. Proper resolution of this stage leads to a
lasting ego quality of purpose, the courage to pursue goals. Unsuccessful resolution leads to
feelings of shame. Stage 4: Industry Versus Inferiority The child now enters the school age (6–12
years) and is enmeshed in the world of school and opportunities for new types of mastery. As
children develop their abilities in new skills and tasks, they desire recognition gained from
producing things. Through this, they develop a sense of industry and a lasting ego quality of
competence. Unsuccessful resolution of this stage leads to lifelong feelings of inferiority and
inadequacy. Stage 5: Identity Versus Role Confusion As the child approaches adolescence (12–
18 years or so), physical and hormonal changes mark the beginning of puberty. Rapid growth
and physical genital maturity disrupt the earlier continuity of childhood. This stage is perhaps the
most important for Erikson, as the adolescent must now forge a lasting ego identity through
aligning his or her basic drives, endowments, and opportunities. A sense of ego identity is (1950,
pp. 94–95): the accrued confidence that one’s ability to maintain inner sameness and continuity .
. . is matched by the sameness and continuity of one’s meaning for others. Thus, self-esteem
grows to be a conviction that one is learning effective steps toward a tangible future, that one is
developing a defined personality within a social reality which one understands. As the adolescent
struggles to integrate past and future views of self and begins to define new appropriate sex
roles, an identity crisis may emerge from this confusion. New expectations from parents may add
to this stress. Tolerance, understanding, and guidance in the home can assist the adolescent in
achieving an integrated identity. Unsuccessful resolution can result in either role confusion or
identity diffusion, a state in which the individual is left with strong doubts about who he or she
is. This may lead to delinquency, psychotic incidents, or overidentification with others. Youths
who emerge with a strong sense of identity and individuality gain a lasting ego quality of
fidelity, or freely pledged loyalties. Stage 6: Intimacy Versus Isolation Young adulthood (early
to late 20s) brings an end to the years of childhood and youth. It is now time for choosing a
career, socializing with the opposite sex, and eventually marriage and raising a family.
Interpersonal intimacy is the task of this stage, encompassing both psychological and sexual
intimacy. Failure to achieve intimacy leads to isolation, an inability to develop intimate and
meaningful relationships. The person who cannot be intimate will likely be self-absorbed. Proper
resolution of this stage leads to a lasting ego quality of love, or mutuality of devotion. Stage 7:
Generativity Versus Stagnation During adulthood (late 20s to 50s), mature genitality (in the
Freudian sense) leads to procreation and establishing guidance for the next generation. Those
who do not apply this to their own offspring must sublimate and find outlets in altruistic
activities. According to Erikson, simply wanting or having children is insufficient for completion
of this stage. Rather, an active role and a “belief in the species” leads to efforts to make the
world a better place for future generations. Unsuccessful resolution of this stage results in a sense
of stagnation or self-indulgence that reflects interpersonal impoverishment. Successful resolution
of this stage can be seen in the lasting ego quality of care, or concern for others.
Stage 8: Integrity Versus Despair
Late adulthood (after 50 years) is a period of retrospective reflection about one’s own life and
acceptance of the eventual end of life. If, at the end of the life cycle, one can accept
responsibility for past choices and find meaning and contentment in the road that was traveled, a
sense of integrity is achieved. Unsuccessful resolution of this stage leads to a sense of despair.
This may be exhibited as disgust and anger at external sources but is an indication of selfcontempt. The lasting ego quality that emerges from proper resolution of this stage is wisdom.
Erikson’s stages of development are summarized in Figure 8.1.
With focus on the ego rather than the id, Erikson emphasized the ability of the individual to
achieve mastery in each stage. Although his early concept of stage development reflected a
Freudian model of traditional psychopathology, his later writings focused on the healthy
personality. His emphasis on the historical context of ego development tied the concept of ego
pathology to specific historical, economic, and cultural phenomena. In this regard, he was
historically specific in linking his epigenetic model to personality development in industrial
societies. His pervasive interest in social structure and culture is clearly reflected in his crosscultural research (1963).
Erikson was one of the few psychosocial developmentalists who conducted detailed studies of
religious development. He believed that some people concentrate intensely on a spiritual theme
as the main focus of their lives and, even in childhood, precociously attend to existential
concerns more typically associated with midlife. Referring to this sort of person as homo
religiosus (Latin for “the religious person”), he used this term to distinguish a deeply spiritual
person from one who merely conforms to conventional religious beliefs and expectations. His
psychobiographical studies present Martin Luther and Mohandas Gandhi as exemplars of
the homo religiosus(1962, 1969).
Erikson’s ideal of religious development can be seen in the person who is able to integrate
understanding of what is factually correct with actuality, that which feels true and effective in
action. Actuality involves a way of living that results in mutual benefit between one’s self and
others in the process of seeking growth and edification. Actuality not only leads one to confront
the personal quandaries of mortality, temporality, and limitedness but also propels one to work
for societal welfare and to act against social injustice. The sense of responsibility to one’s own
household and society that is achieved by ordinary people is extended to a sense of responsibility
for all humanity and a fascination with the significance of the entire cosmos by the homo
religiosus.
In addition, his later writings expanded on ideas set forth in his early theories, continuously
modifying his life cycle theory. He further delineated the psychosocial tasks of ego identity,
explored themes of adulthood related to love and work, extended Freud’s genitality of early
adulthood into sensuality and sexuality in later life, and later added detailed descriptions of
parallels between early and later life development.
In a 1983 interview, Erikson revealed that, “30 years ago I lacked that capacity for imagining
myself as old, and the general image of old age was different then” (E. Hall, 1983, p. 22). In
collaboration with his wife Joan, the additions made to his original stages reflected, at least
partially, their experience with old age. In a 1988 interview, they discussed their most recent
theoretical additions to his developmental model. The psychosocial crisis of old age now more
fully delineated concerns related to physical disintegration, which Erikson termed the law of life.
Figure 8.1 Erikson’s epigentic chart.
Source: Childhood and Society by Erik H. Erikson. Copyright 1950, 1963 by W.W. Norton &
Company, Inc., renewed © 1978, 1991 by Erik H. Erikson. Used by permission of W.W. Norton
& Company, Inc.
They specified the way in which ego qualities that emerged through early tasks are paralleled in
old age. For example, the basic trust developed in infancy becomes “an appreciation of human
interdependence.” Learning control over one’s body in stage 2 becomes a mirror image as
physical deterioration sets in. They believe that acceptance of this fact is critical. The lessons of
stage 3, initiative, purpose, and playfulness, lead to empathy and resilience, and the “child’s
playfulness becomes a sense of humor about life. I can’t imagine a wise old person who can’t
laugh,” states Erikson. The industry of stage 4 leads to “a lifelong sense of effectiveness” and
“humility . . . a realistic appreciation of one’s limits and competencies.” The identity crisis
and resolution of stage 5 are characterized in old age as an appreciation of the complexity of life
and of sensory and aesthetic perception. The stage 6 quality of intimacy allows one to later
“come to terms with love expressed and unexpressed.” According to Joan Erikson (in E. Hall,
1983, p. 22):
Loving better is what comes from understanding the complications of a long-term intimate bond.
. . . You learn about the value of tenderness . . . not to hold, to give without hanging on; to love
freely . . . wanting nothing in return.
Generativity of stage 7 has two faces: caritas (Greek for “charity”), a broad sense of caring for
others, and agape (Greek for “love”), a type of empathy. The final stage of int