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Flourishing and Floundering in Emerging
Adult College Students
Emerging Adulthood
1(1) 67-78
ª 2013 Society for the
Study of Emerging Adulthood
and SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/2167696812470938
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Larry J. Nelson1 and Laura M. Padilla-Walker1
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to (a) use mixture modeling to identify different groups of emerging adults based on differences in
beliefs/attitudes, attributes, and behaviors and (b) examine whether these classes were differentially related to the criteria
deemed important for adulthood, levels of identity development (exploration and commitment), and the quality of the parent–
child relationship. Participants consisted of 487 undergraduate students (281 women, 206 men, mean age of 20.07 years) in the
United States. Results of cross-sectional mixture modeling identified three classes of emerging adults including an externalizing
group (high levels of drinking, drug use, sexual partners, pornography use, and video game use), a poorly adjusted group (high levels
of depression, anxiety, drinking, drug use, sexual partners, and low levels of self-worth), and a well-adjusted group (high levels of
internal regulation of values, religious faith, and low levels of depression, anxiety, drinking, drug use, and violent video game usage).
Keywords
well-being, college, risk taking, prosocial behavior, transitions to adulthood
It is common for the media and others to make broad generalizations regarding groups of individuals. For example, terms
such as ‘‘Republicans,’’ ‘‘Democrats,’’ ‘‘the rich,’’ ‘‘the poor,’’
‘‘conservative Christians,’’ and ‘‘gays and lesbians’’ are often
used in a manner to suggest homogenous groups with very little
within-group diversity. Young people of age 18–27 who attend
college often fall victim to this type of group labeling. Emerging adults have been categorically referred to as narcissistic,
refusing to grow up, and failed adults. Although there certainly
are emerging adults who fit the profile of selfish, struggling,
and directionless, there are others who are using this period
of time for good. Although researchers acknowledge that emerging adults who do not attend college are likely different than
those who do (see Hamilton & Hamilton, 2006), the scholarly
examination of emerging adulthood by developmental psychologists has not always attempted to capture and explain the
within-group variation that exists among emerging adults who
do attend college, often making the assumption that they are a
relatively homogenous group. Indeed, while there is great
diversity of individual experiences in emerging adulthood, few
empirical attempts have been made to investigate whether the
diversity of individual experiences may be captured in broader
typologies of young people in emerging adulthood. Therefore,
the purpose of this study was to examine different groups of
emerging adults who may be flourishing or floundering during
the college years. Specifically, the study attempted to (a) identify different classes of emerging adult college students based
on differences in beliefs, attributes, behaviors, and relationships and (b) examine whether or not these classes were differentially related to the criteria emerging adults deem important
for adulthood, identity development (exploration and
commitment), and the quality of the relationship they have with
their parents.
Emerging Adulthood
It is becoming increasingly well known that Arnett’s (2000)
theory of emerging adulthood identifies features of the
development of emerging adults (age 18 to late 20s) including
feeling in-between (emerging adults do not see themselves as
either adolescents or adults), identity exploration (especially
in the areas of work, love, and world views), focus on the self
(not self-centered but simply lacking obligations to others),
instability (evidenced by changes in direction in residential
status, relationships, work, and education), and possibilities
(optimism in the potential to steer their lives in any number
of desired directions).
While these features may characterize the time period, there
most certainly is variation in the extent to which young people
manifest these features. For example, some may be more optimistic than others and there may be differences in the extent to
which they feel a sense of ‘‘in-betweenness.’’ Indeed, researchers have found that some young people feel they have already
1
Brigham Young University, Provo, UT, USA
Corresponding Author:
Larry J. Nelson, PhD, 2091 JFSB, School of Family Life, Brigham Young
University, Provo, UT 84602, USA.
Email: larry_nelson@byu.edu
68
reached adulthood and report being further along in their identity development and in the acquisition of other characteristics
they deem requisite for adulthood than are others (Nelson,
2009; Nelson & Barry, 2005). An important aspect of this
potential variation is whether or not the differences are so stark
as to be able to begin to characterize those young people who
may be flourishing from those who may be floundering as they
make their way through emerging adulthood.
Flourishing. Consistent with the positive view of this time
period captured in emerging adulthood theory (Arnett, 2000,
2004), research points to various beliefs/attitudes, attributes,
and behaviors during this period of time that appear to reflect
positive adjustment or a sense of flourishing. For example,
research shows that for some young people this a time in which
they explore and internalize their world beliefs (e.g., religiosity, see Barry, Nelson, Davarya, & Urry, 2010, for a review)
and positive values (Padilla-Walker, Barry, Carroll, Madsen,
& Nelson, 2008) as well as participate in prosocial behaviors
(Barry, Padilla-Walker, Madsen, & Nelson, 2008) and positive
media use (Padilla-Walker, Nelson, Carroll, & Jensen, 2010).
In other words, participating in adaptive behaviors and internalizing one’s beliefs and values appear to be indicative of
flourishing during emerging adulthood. For example, using the
Internet for positive means (e.g., school, communication) is
linked to lower drug use, higher self-perceptions and selfworth, and positive parent–child relationships. Likewise, internalization of one’s values and religious faith appears to be
associated with indices of well-being. For example, religiosity
and spirituality have been related to numerous indices of positive adjustment for emerging adults including healthy attitudes
and behaviors and self-esteem (Knox, Langehough, &Walters,
1998; Rew & Wong, 2006; Zullig, Ward, & Horn, 2006), academic and personal–emotional adjustment (Gilliam, Barry, &
Bacchus, 2008), and lower levels of antisocial behaviors (Knox
et al., 1998) and substance use (e.g., binge drinking, cocaine
use; Hamil-Luker, Land, & Blau, 2004; White et al., 2006).
Thus, for some individuals having internalized a set of religious
beliefs may represent a unique positive path through emerging
adulthood. Indeed, the relevant issue is that it appears that
indicators of flourishing may include the internalization of a set
of beliefs and values as well as participation in fewer risk
behaviors and more positive, prosocial behaviors.
Floundering. Just as evidence points to some possible beliefs/
attitudes, attributes, and behaviors that might characterize the
notion of ‘‘flourishing’’ during emerging adulthood, there is
also evidence of ‘‘floundering’’ for some young people. For
some individuals the challenges appear to be of an internalizing
nature. For example, shy emerging adults appear to struggle
with higher levels of anxiety and depression as well as lower
self-perceptions (Nelson et al., 2008). For others, it appears that
challenges exist in the form of externalizing problems. Heavy
drinking, alcohol-related problems, drug use, and risky sexual
behaviors (e.g., number of sexual partners, low or improper use
of condoms) often reach some of their highest levels during
Emerging Adulthood 1(1)
emerging adulthood (e.g., see Bachman, Johnston, O’Malley,
& Schulenberg, 1996; Leftkowitz & Gillen, 2006; Schulenberg
& Maggs, 2001, for reviews). Furthermore, emerging evidence
suggests that these risk behaviors may be linked to still other
behaviors that are indicative of risk in emerging adulthood. For
example, Padilla-Walker and colleagues (2010) found video
game use to be related to greater drug use, drinking behaviors,
lower relationship quality with friends and parents, and, for
women, lower self-worth and perceived social acceptance.
Similarly, acceptance and use of pornography by emerging
adults has been linked to risky sexual attitudes and behaviors
(e.g., higher number of sexual partners) as well as higher levels
of drinking (Carroll et al., 2008).
However, it is important to note that not all emerging adults
engage in these risk behaviors. Indeed, participation in risk
behaviors is one of those areas in which emerging adults are
often discussed as if a homogenous group with ‘‘everybody
doing it.’’ That just does not appear to be the case. For example,
Schulenberg and Maggs (2001) point out that college students
(especially those living in fraternities) and males appear to be
overrepresented in the groups high in alcohol usages. Likewise,
Caspi and colleagues (1997) found that a variety of characteristics (e.g., lower harm avoidance, control, and social closeness
as well as higher aggression and negative emotionality)
consistently predicted health risk behaviors such as unsafe sex,
dangerous driving habits, participation in violent crime, and
alcohol abuse. Hence, it is important to distinguish between
individuals who may participate in certain risk behaviors,
and other possible indicators of floundering, to a greater extent
than others.
Current Study
Taken together, there appears to be some potentially negative
factors that repeatedly surface in the study of emerging adults.
Some appear to present a pattern of externalizing problems
(e.g., higher substance use and risky sexual behaviors), while
others are indicative of internalizing problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, low self-worth). At the same time, there appears
to be indicators of adjustment that repeatedly appear in the
study of emerging adulthood including the internalization of
religious beliefs and prosocial values, participation in prosocial
behaviors, and positive self-worth. While this is not a comprehensive list of either the strengths or challenges experienced by
emerging adults, it does reflect the range of beliefs/attitudes,
attributes, and behaviors that young people experience. However, despite this great diversity of individual experiences in
emerging adulthood, few empirical attempts have been made
to investigate whether the diversity of individual experiences
may still be captured in broader typologies of individuals in
emerging adulthood. Hence, the first purpose of this study was
to identify different typologies of emerging adult college students based on differences in beliefs/attitudes, attributes, and
behaviors.
Specifically, we drew upon emerging adulthood theory
(Arnett, 2000, 2004) to select a variety of variables that capture
Nelson and Padilla-Walker
unique aspects of this period of life. It should be noted from the
outset, however, that we were less concerned about the broader
views young people have about the time period (i.e., whether
they see it as a time to explore, experiment, etc.) and more
concerned with specifics beliefs and behaviors (e.g., experimenting with drugs, exploring beliefs and values) that reflect
those unique aspects of the time period.
First, emerging adulthood tends to be a time in which young
people see themselves as being in a state of being in-between,
or not-yet adults (Arnett, 2000). Researchers have identified
some of the criteria that young people feel they need to achieve
in order to be an adult. For example, young people and their
parents rank criteria in the realm of relational maturity as the
most important set of criteria needed for adult status (Nelson
et al., 2007). These criteria include issues such as accepting
responsibility for the consequences of one’s actions, becoming
less self-oriented and developing greater consideration for
others, and establishing a relationship with parents as equals.
Likewise, emerging adults and adults alike tend to endorse the
need for deciding on personal values and beliefs (e.g., religious,
political) independent of others (e.g., parents, peers) as a requisite for adulthood. Drawing upon these criteria in selecting our
variables for the current study, we chose to measure prosocial
behaviors, religious faith, and internal regulation of values as
potential aspects of positive functioning during emerging
adulthood.
Likewise, exploration is a unique feature of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2004) that often includes participation in risk
behaviors such as drugs, alcohol, and unprotected sex (Bachman et al., 1996; Leftkowitz & Gillen, 2006; Schulenberg &
Maggs, 2001). Indeed, as noted previously, heavy drinking,
alcohol-related problems, drug use, and risky sexual behaviors
(e.g., number of sexual partners, low or improper use of condoms) often reach some of their highest levels during emerging
adulthood (e.g., Bachman et al., 1996; Leftkowitz & Gillen,
2006; Schulenberg & Maggs, 2001). Furthermore, these appear
to be important issues to emerging adults, given that young
people report that the ability to comply with societal norms
in regard to these behaviors is an important aspect of becoming
an adult (e.g., Nelson & Barry, 2005; Nelson et al., 2009). Likewise, given that emerging adults have more control over how
they spend their time, they often spend it engaged in various
aspects of the media (e.g., pornography and video game use;
Barry et al., 2010; Carroll et al., 2008; Padilla-Walker et al.,
2010) which have also been linked to exploration of identity
and risk behaviors. Because high levels of participation
(i.e., high levels placing them outside what society might deem
compliant with norms) in some of these various behaviors may
delineate between those who are flourishing and those who are
floundering, we chose to include drinking, drug use, number of
sexual partners, pornography use, and video game use as
variables in the current study.
Finally, another distinguishing feature of emerging adulthood is instability (Arnett, 2000). Because of the instability
of the time period, some individuals may experience heightened levels of self-doubt, anxiety, and depression (e.g., Arnett,
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2004; Nelson & Barry, 2005). Indeed, studies have found that
depression is rising across college campuses in the United
States (e.g., O’Conner, 2001). Therefore, we selected variables
that might tap these types of struggles in emerging adulthood.
Specifically, we chose to include depression, anxiety, and selfworth to be included in the current study.
In summary, the study attempted to identify different
groups, or typologies, of emerging adults based on religious
faith, prosocial behaviors, internal regulation of values, drinking, drug use, number of sexual partners, pornography use,
video game use, and depression/anxiety. We acknowledge
from the outset that this is a limited number of variables, given
the large number of all possible factors (whether they be intrapersonal or behavioral) that might contribute to flourishing or
floundering in emerging adulthood. However, we believe they
represent a variety of beliefs, behaviors, and personal attributes
that are consistent with emerging adulthood theory in representing the types of variables that may be potential indicators
of adjustment (i.e., flourishing) and maladjustment (i.e., floundering). Although it was impossible to determine a priori how
many classes this analysis would produce, it was predicted
based on existing research that there would be a group that
would reflect flourishing (e.g., self-worth, prosocial behaviors)
as well as a group that would exhibit characteristics of floundering, with a potential distinction between externalizing
(e.g., high alcohol and drug use, risky sexual behaviors) and
internalizing (e.g., depression, anxiety, low self-perceptions)
problems.
In order to provide an exploratory attempt to see whether
these classes may distinguish differences in how young people
view the transition to adulthood and how they might be doing
in important aspects of development in emerging adulthood
(e.g., identity development, establishing a more mature relationship with parents), the second purpose of this study was
to examine whether or not these groups were differentially
related to the criteria young people deem important for adulthood, identity development (exploration and commitment), and
the quality and closeness of relationships with parents. To
reiterate, these variables were selected because we thought they
represent a particular view about becoming an adult (i.e.,
criteria necessary for that important transition) and steps being
taken toward that transition (e.g., identity development and
developing a mature relationship with parents; Arnett, 2004).
Again, the first set of variables was selected because we felt
they may be a reflection of what different groups of emerging
adults might think about the process of becoming an adult as
seen through the criteria they deem important for adulthood.
Specifically, work in this area (e.g., Arnett, 2003; Nelson
et al., 2007) has documented that contemporary emerging
adults tend to view criteria as being necessary for adulthood
that center around (a) being independent and self-reliant
(e.g., accepting responsibility for the consequences of one’s
actions, becoming financially independent of parents),
(b) being able to form mature relationships (e.g., becoming less
self-oriented and developing greater consideration for others),
(c) being able to comply with societal norms (e.g., avoiding
70
drunk driving and committing petty crimes), and (d) being able
to provide and care for a family (e.g., becoming capable of
caring for children).
It is possible that individuals who are flourishing versus
floundering may have different views of what is necessary for
adulthood, which may help account for some of their beliefs
and behaviors during emerging adulthood. Although specific
hypotheses were not possible at the outset of the study because
the results of the first research question (i.e., what groups
would emerge from mixture modeling) were not known,
several general hypotheses were made. First, it was expected
that the groups of individuals who would be characterized as
flourishing (e.g., engaged in fewer risk behaviors) would rate
criteria centering on obeying societal norms as more important
for adulthood than their floundering peers (e.g., those who
engage in high levels of drug and alcohol use and have numerous sexual partners). Second, it was hypothesized that flourishing individuals (e.g., those who engage in higher levels of
prosocial behaviors) would rate as important for adulthood
those criteria that reflect greater awareness of the needs
of others.
Another proposed indicator of those who are flourishing, or
making ‘‘progress’’ toward adulthood, is that an individual has
not only engaged in the exploration of his or her identity but has
made progress toward identity development (Nelson & Barry,
2005). Thus, we thought it important to examine the extent to
which the different groups that emerged may differ in the
extent to which they have developed their identity. It was
hypothesized generally that those flourishing groups who
appeared to be engaged in fewer externalizing and internalizing
behaviors/problems would self-report higher levels of identity
commitment than their floundering peers.
Finally, given that young people report wanting to establish
a relationship with parents as equals (e.g., Arnett, 1998; Nelson
& Barry, 2005), we thought it important to examine how the
groups may differ in the relationships they have with mothers
and fathers, respectively. Given that parents put emphasis on
their emerging-adult children complying with societal norms
(Nelson et al., 2007), it was expected that those young people
who are flourishing (e.g., engaged in more prosocial behaviors
and fewer risk behaviors) would have better relationships with
their parents.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants for this study were drawn from an ongoing study of
emerging adults and their parents entitled [Project name
masked for blind review]. The sample used in the current study
consisted of 487 undergraduate students (58% women, n ¼ 281)
recruited from five college sites across the United States. The
mean age of the sample was 20.07 years (SD ¼ 1.89; age
ranged from 18 to 26). Seventy-five percent of the participants
were European American, 3% were African American, 12%
were Asian American, and 11% indicated that they were
Emerging Adulthood 1(1)
‘‘mixed/biracial’’ or of another ethnicity. All of the participants
were unmarried, and 90% reported living outside their parents’
home in an apartment, house, or dormitory.
Participants completed the [masked for blind review] questionnaire via the Internet (see [masked]). The use of an online
data collection protocol facilitated unified data collection
across multiple university sites and allowed for the survey to
be administered to emerging adults and their parents who were
living in separate locations throughout the country. Participants
were recruited through faculty’s announcement of the study in
undergraduate courses. Informed consent was obtained online,
and only after consent was given could the participants begin
the questionnaires. Each participant was asked to complete a
survey battery of 448 items. Most participants were offered
course credit or extra credit for their participation. For more
information on procedures, please see (author citation).
Measures
Religious faith. Religiosity was assessed using the Santa Clara
Strength of Religious Faith Questionnaire (Lewis, Shevlin,
McGuckin, & Navratil, 2001), which is a well-established
measure that has demonstrated adequate reliability and validity
with adolescent and adult populations. Participants responded
to 10 items regarding their religious faith, regardless of
religious denomination or affiliation (e.g., ‘‘My religious faith
is extremely important to me,’’ ‘‘I look to my faith as providing
meaning and purpose in my life’’) on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Items were
averaged with higher scores representing higher self-reported
religious faith (a ¼ .98).
Prosocial behaviors. Prosocial behaviors were assessed using
the Prosocial Tendencies Measure (PTM), which has been used
in the past with both adolescents and emerging adults and has
displayed adequate internal reliability and validity (Carlo,
Hausmann, Christiansen, & Randall, 2003; Carlo & Randall,
2002). Although this measure does not assess the frequency
of prosocial behaviors directly, it is designed to measure tendencies toward different types of prosocial behaviors and is
correlated with global frequency of prosocial behaviors (Carlo
& Randall, 2002). This 25-item measure is composed of six
subscales (public, emotional, dire, anonymous, altruistic, and
compliant) which were combined for the current study, with
higher scores indicating higher prosocial tendencies
(a ¼ .85). For each subscale, participants responded on a scale
ranging from 1 (does not describe me at all) to 5 (describes me
greatly). Sample items include, ‘‘I tend to help people who are
in real crisis or need’’ and ‘‘I often help even if I don’t think I
will get anything out of helping.’’
Internal regulation of values. Internal regulation of values was
assessed using a 14-item measure adapted from the Prosocial
Self-Regulation Questionnaire (Ryan & Connell, 1989). Participants responded to questions regarding kindness, honesty,
and fairness values, with 7 items assessing two levels of values
Nelson and Padilla-Walker
internalization that assess internalized (versus externalized)
values regulation: identified (a ¼ .83; e.g., ‘‘I am kind to others
because it feels good to be kind’’), and integrated (a ¼ .80;
e.g., ‘‘I am kind to others because it is important to me to be
a kind person’’). Participants responded to statements on a scale
ranging from 1 (not at all true) to 4 (very true).
Depression and anxiety. Depression and anxiety scores were
obtained by reversing the happiness and calmness subscales
of The Adult Temperament Scale (Rothbart, Ahadi, & Evans,
2000). Items for depression included sad and blue, hopeless,
and depressed; and items for anxiety included worrier, fearful,
tense, and nervous. On a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from
1 (never) to 5 (always), participants responded to how often
they would describe themselves in this manner. Cronbach’s
as for depression and anxiety in the current study were .85 and
.78, respectively, and higher scores represent higher levels of
self-reported depression and anxiety.
Self-worth. The Self-Perception Profile for College Students
(Neeman & Harter, 1986) was used to assess perceptions of
self-worth. Participants rated 6 items (a ¼ .80) on a Likerttype scale from 1 (not at all true for me) to 4 (very true for
me). Sample item includes ‘‘I like the kind of person I am.’’
Risk behaviors. Emerging adults’ drinking, drug use, and
number of sexual partners were measured using items from the
Add Health Questionnaire (www.cpc.unc.edu/addhealth/). For
drinking, emerging adults were asked how many days in the
past 12 months they drank alcohol and engaged in binge
drinking (i.e., 4–5 drinks on one occasion). Because items were
correlated (r ¼ .82, p < .001), responses were averaged, with
higher scores indicating more frequent drinking behavior. For
drug use, emerging adults were asked how many days in the
past 12 months they used marijuana and used other illegal
drugs (e.g., cocaine, heroin, crystal meth, and mushrooms).
Because items were correlated (r ¼ .46, p < .001), responses
were averaged, with higher scores indicating more frequent
drug use. Participants rated the above items on a 6-point
Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (none) to 5 (almost every day).
For number of sexual partners, participants were asked openended questions on how many sexual partners they had in the
past 12 months, and how many sexual partners they had in their
lives, and these 2 items were averaged (r ¼ .70, p < .001).
Pornography use. To assess pornography use, participants
answered one question on a 6-point Likert scale ranging from
0 (none) to 5 (every day or almost every day). The question
asked, ‘‘During the past 12 months, on how many days did you
view pornographic materials (such as magazines, movies, or
internet sites).’’
Video game use. To assess video game and violent video
game use, participants answered two questions on a 6-point
Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (none) to 5 (every day or
almost every day). The questions asked, ‘‘During the past
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12 months, on how many days did you play video games’’ and
‘‘During the past 12 months, on how many days did you play
violent video games.’’ Because items were correlated
(r ¼ .80, p < .001 ), responses were averaged, with higher
scores indicating more video game use.
Importance of criteria for adulthood. In order to assess criteria
for adulthood, emerging adults were presented with a list of
possible criteria for adulthood (e.g., ‘‘finishing education,’’
‘‘avoid drunk driving,’’ ‘‘purchasing a house’’; Arnett, 1997,
2003). Participants were asked to ‘‘give your opinion on the
importance of each of the following in determining whether
or not a person has reached adulthood.’’ They could rate each
item on a scale of 1 (not at all important) to 4 (very important).
This measure has been commonly used in this population
(e.g., Arnett, 1997, 1998, 2003; Nelson & Barry, 2005; Nelson
et al., 2008), and the way in which the criteria were grouped
into categories in the current study was based upon previous
research (in which confirmatory factor analysis was employed)
that demonstrated the internal validity of the subscales (Badger, Nelson, & Barry, 2006). The subscales included relational
maturity (a ¼ .63, 4-items, e.g., become less self-oriented,
develop greater consideration for others), role transitions
(a ¼ .80, 7-items, e.g., financially independent from parents),
norm compliance (a ¼ .82, 8-items, e.g., avoid becoming
drunk), biological/age-related transitions (a ¼ .79, 9-items,
e.g., reach age 21), and family capacities (a ¼ .91, 6-items,
become capable of caring for children).
Identity achievement. Identity achievement was assessed
using a shortened version of the Ego Identity Process Questionnaire (Balistreri, Busch-Rossnagel, & Geisinger, 1995), which
considers 17 statements regarding individuals’ exploration and
commitment on various aspects of identity (including occupation, religion, values, family, and dating). Participants rated
each statement on a 6-point scale, with values ranging from
1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). Scoring was
reversed for negatively worded items and items were averaged
to create exploration (7 items, a ¼ .64, e.g., ‘‘I have considered
adopting different kinds of religious beliefs’’) and commitment
(10 items, a ¼ .70, e.g., ‘‘I have definitely decided on the
occupation I want to pursue’’) subscales.
Parent–child relationship. Parent–child relationship quality
was assessed using the composite of four subscales (guidance/advice, disclosure, affection, and emotional support)
from the Social Provisions Questionnaire (27 items, a ¼ .95;
Carbery & Buhrmester, 1998). Emerging adults answered
questions on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (little or none) to
5 (the most). Sample questions include, ‘‘How often do you
depend on this person for help, advice, or sympathy?’’ ‘‘How
much does this person like or love you?’’ and ‘‘How often do
you turn to this person for support with personal problems?’’
Parental closeness was measured using the Parent–Child
Closeness Scale (Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991).
Emerging adults responded to 9 items assessing paternal and
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maternal closeness (18 items total). Sample items include,
‘‘How openly do you talk with your (father/mother)?’’ and
‘‘How well does your (father/mother) know what you are really
like?’’ Items were rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not
at all) to 5 (very). Individual items were averaged for fathers
and mothers, respectively, with higher scores representing
greater parental closeness. Cronbach’s as for emerging adults’
reports of mother and father closeness were .88 and .92,
respectively.
Results
Descriptive Statistics
There were less than 5% missing data on any of the variables in
the current analysis (exact numbers for each variable are available
upon request). Full information maximum likelihood was used in
the software package Mplus 6.1 (Muthén & Muthén, 2010) to
handle missing data. Prior to the analysis, data were carefully
examined for univariate outliers (classified as scores more than
three standard deviations above or below the mean). This resulted
in dropping four participants, with a final sample of 483. Means
and standard deviations of emerging adult characteristics are represented in Table 1. A number of univariate analyses of variance
(ANOVAs) were conducted to examine gender differences on
these 11 variables. Young women (M ¼ 4.32, SD ¼ .76) reported
higher religious faith (M ¼ 2.71, SD ¼ .95) and internal regulation
of values (M ¼ 3.56, SD ¼ .39) than did young men (M ¼ 2.51, SD
¼ .91 and M ¼ 3.28, SD ¼ .49); young men reported more drinking (M ¼ 1.90, SD ¼ 1.36) and drug use (M ¼ .39, SD ¼ .78) than
did young women (M ¼ 1.52, SD ¼ 1.14 and M ¼ .18, SD ¼ .45);
young men reported more pornography (M ¼ 2.32, SD ¼ 1.41)
and video game (M ¼ 2.34, SD ¼ 1.49) use than did young women
(M ¼ .48, SD ¼ .85 and M ¼ .51, SD ¼ .73); and young women
reported higher levels of anxiety (M ¼ 2.92, SD ¼ .65) than did
young men (M ¼ 2.76, SD ¼ .69).
Mixture Modeling
Mixture modeling using Mplus 6.1 was carried out to determine whether there was heterogeneity in the current sample
based on the 11 characteristics of emerging adults (religious
faith, prosocial behavior, internalization of values, depression,
anxiety, self-worth, drinking, drug use, video game use, number of sexual partners, and pornography use). Two-, three-, and
four-class models were estimated, and a variety of fit stat