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Standing at the front of a small lecture hall, Ed Diener, University of Illinois psychologist and
world-renowned happiness researcher, held up a real brain in a jar with a blue liquid, which he
called “joy juice,” trickling into it from a small plastic pouch held above. He asked the audience
to pretend that their brains could be treated with a hormone (i.e., joy juice) that would make them
ecstatically happy and that they could be happy all the time. Then he asked the crucial question,
“How many people in this room would want to do this?” Of the 60 audience members, only 2
raised their hands to signify their desires for perpetual happiness. Given that I (SJL) had had
little exposure to philosophy coursework and that my undergraduate and graduate training in
psychology had not exposed me to the science of happiness, I hadn’t thought much about
happiness in its many forms. Dr. Diener’s question intrigued me, and since attending his lecture
in 1999, I have attempted to develop a better understanding of the positive side of the emotional
experience; this has led me to the solid research I summarize here. In this chapter, we attempt to
add to what you know about pleasure by going far beyond Freud’s (1936) pleasure principle (the
demand that an instinctive need be gratified regardless of the consequences) and by fostering an
understanding of the many principles of pleasure that have been linked to good living. In this
process, we present what we know about that which makes modern life pleasurable. We also
summarize research that examines the distinctions between positive and negative affect.
Likewise, we highlight positive emotions and their pleasure-expanding benefits, and we explore
the many definitions of happiness and well-being, qualities of pleasurable living. To begin, we
clarify the numerous terms and concepts used in this chapter. Defining Emotional Terms The
terms affect and emotion often are used interchangeably in scholarly and popular literatures.
Furthermore, well-being and happiness appear to be synonymous in psychology articles.
Unfortunately, however, the interchangeable use of these terms is very confusing. Although we
try to clarify the distinctions among these closely related ideas, we acknowledge the overlap that
exists. We begin by suggesting that affect is a component of emotion, and emotion is a more
specific version of mood. Ed Diener Source: Reprinted with permission of Ed Diener. Affect
Affect is a person’s immediate, physiological response to a stimulus, and it is typically based on
an underlying sense of arousal. Specifically, Professor Nico Frijda (1999) reasoned that affect
involves the appraisal of an event as painful or pleasurable—that is, its valence—and the
experience of autonomic arousal. Emotion Parsimonious definitions of emotion are hard to find,
but this one seems to describe the phenomenon succinctly: “Emotions, I shall argue, involve
judgments about important things, judgments in which, appraising an external object as salient
for our own well-being, we acknowledge our own neediness and incompleteness before parts of
the world that we do not fully control” (Nussbaum, 2001, p. 19). These emotional responses
occur as we become aware of painful or pleasurable experiences and associated autonomic
arousal (i.e., affect; Frijda, 1999) and evaluate the situation. An emotion has a specific and
“sharpened” quality, as it always has an object (Cohn & Fredrickson, 2009), and it is associated
with progress in goal pursuit (Snyder et al., 1991; Snyder, 1994). In contrast, a mood is
objectless, free floating, and long lasting. Happiness Happiness is a positive emotional state that
is subjectively defined by each person. The term is rarely used in scientific studies because there
is little consensus on its meaning. In this chapter, we use this term only when it is clarified by
additional information. Subjective Well-Being Subjective well-being involves the subjective
evaluation of one’s current status in the world. More specifically, Diener (1984, 2000, 2013;
Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2009) defines subjective well-being as a combination of positive affect
(in the absence of negative affect) and general life satisfaction (i.e., subjective appreciation of
life’s rewards). The term subjective well-being often is used as a synonym for happiness in the
psychology literature. Almost without exception, the more accessible word happiness is used in
the popular press in lieu of the term subjective well-being. Distinguishing the Positive and the
Negative Hans Selye (1936) is known for his research on the effects of prolonged exposure to
fear and anger. Consistently, he found that physiological stress harmed the body yet had survival
value for humans. Indeed, the evolutionary functions of fear and anger have intrigued both
researchers and laypeople. Given the historical tradition and scientific findings pertaining to the
negative affects, their importance in our lives has not been questioned over the last century.
Historically, positive affects have received scant attention over the last century because few
scholars hypothesized that the rewards of joy and contentment went beyond hedonic (pleasurebased) values and had possible evolutionary significance. The potentialities of positive affect
have become more obvious over the last 20 years (Cohn & Fredrickson, 2009) as research has
drawn distinctions between the positive and negative affects. David Watson Source: Reprinted
with permission of David Watson. David Watson (1988) of the University of Iowa conducted
research on the approach-oriented motivations of pleasurable affects—including rigorous studies
of both negative and positive affects. To facilitate their research on the two dimensions of
emotional experience, Watson and his collaborator Lee Anna Clark (1994) developed and
validated the Expanded Form of the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS-X), which
has become a commonly used measure in this area. This 20-item scale has been used in hundreds
of studies to quantify two dimensions of affect: valence and content. More specifically, the
PANAS-X taps both “negative” (unpleasant) and “positive” (pleasant) valence. The content of
negative affective states can be described best as general distress, whereas positive affect
includes joviality, self-assurance, and attentiveness. (See the PANAS, a predecessor of the
PANAS-X, which is brief and valid for most clinical and research purposes.) Using the PANAS
and other measures of affect, researchers systematically have addressed a basic question: “Can
we experience negative affect and positive affect at the same time?” (See Diener & Emmons,
1984; Green, Salovey, & Truax, 1999.) For example, could we go to an engaging movie and
come out feeling both pleasure and fear? Although negative and positive affects once were
thought to be polar opposites, Bradburn (1969) demonstrated that unpleasant and pleasant affects
are independent and have different correlates. Psychologists such as Watson (2002; Watson &
Naragon, 2009) continue to examine this issue of independence in their research. In a recent
study, Watson found that negative affect correlated with joviality, self-assurance, and
attentiveness at only –.21, –.14, and –.17, respectively. The small magnitudes of these negative
correlations suggest that, while negative and positive affect are inversely correlated in some
groups as expected, the relationships are quite weak and indicative of independence of the two
types of affect. The size of these relationships, however, may increase when people are taxed by
daily stressors (Keyes & Ryff, 2000; Zautra, Potter, & Reich, 1997). This said, positive as
opposed to inverse correlations are found between positive and negative affect in many Eastern
groups, namely in Asian samples (Spencer-Rodgers, Peng, & Wang, 2010). This ability to feel
and think dialectically (i.e., in more than one direction, or from more than one point of view)
about events in one’s life can be labeled a strength in Asian cultures. It may be that this
emotional complexity allows Asians to have a greater level of social intelligence, which is of
course beneficial in a collectivist society (Spencer-Rodgers et al., 2010). The Positive and
Negative Affect Schedule This scale consists of a number of words that describe different
feelings and emotions. Read each item and then mark the appropriate answer on the line
provided. Indicate to what extent you feel this emotion right now. Use the following scale as you
record your answers. Positive Emotions: Expanding the Repertoire of Pleasure As some
psychologists refine the distinction between the positive and negative sides of the emotional
experience through basic research and measurement, other scholars (e.g., Isen, Fredrickson) have
begun to explore questions about the potency and potentialities of positive emotions. (Here we
use the term emotion rather than affect because we are addressing the specific response
tendencies that flow from affective experience.) Cornell University psychologist Alice Isen is a
pioneer in the examination of positive emotions. Dr. Isen found that, when experiencing mild
positive emotions, we are more likely (1) to help other people (Isen, 1987); (2) to be flexible in
our thinking (Ashby, Isen, & Turken, 1999); (3) to come up with solutions to our problems (Isen,
Daubman, & Nowicki, 1987); and (4) to be more willing to exhibit self-control (Pyone & Isen,
2011). In classic research related to these points, Isen (1970; Isen & Levin, 1972) performed an
experimental manipulation in which the research participants either did or did not find coins
(placed there by the researcher) in the change slot of a public pay phone. Compared to those who
did not find a coin, those who did were more likely to help another person carry a load of books
or to help pick up another’s dropped papers. Therefore, the finding of a coin and the associated
positive emotion made people behave more altruistically. Alice Isen Source: Reprinted with
permission of Alice Isen. Feeling positive emotion also can help in seeing problem-solving
options and finding cues for good decision making (Estrada, Isen, & Young, 1997). In one study
related to these latter points, the researchers randomly assigned physicians to an experimental
condition in which the doctor either was or was not given a small bag that contained 6 hard
candies and 4 miniature chocolates (the doctors were not allowed to eat the candy during the
experiment). Those physicians who had, rather than had not, been given the gift of candy
displayed superior reasoning and decision making relative to the physicians who did not receive
the candy. Specifically, the doctors in the positive emotion condition did not jump to
conclusions; they were cautious even though they arrived at the diagnosis sooner than the doctors
in the other condition (A. Isen, personal communication, December 13, 2005). Perhaps,
therefore, we should give our doctor some candy next time we see him or her! Here is a more
detailed description of that study that led us to this lighthearted suggestion. (Although Dr. Isen
uses the term affect, we believe emotion would be more appropriate here.) Forty-four physicians
were randomly assigned to 1 of 3 groups: a control group, an affect-induction group (these
participants received a small package of candy), or a group that asked participants to read
humanistic statements regarding the practice of medicine. Physicians in all three groups were
asked to “think aloud” while they solved a case of a patient with liver disease. Transcripts of the
physicians’ comments were typed, and two raters reviewed the transcripts to determine how soon
the diagnosis of liver disease was considered and established, and the extent to which thinking
was distorted or inflexible. The affect group initially considered the diagnosis of liver disease
significantly earlier in the experiment and showed significantly less inflexible thinking than did
controls. The affect and control groups established the diagnosis at similar points in the
experiment. So positive affect led to the earlier integration of information (considered liver
disease sooner) and resulted in little premature foreclosure on the diagnosis. Risk-taking may
also be influenced by positive affect when the return on the risk is anticipated to be high (Xing &
Sun, 2013). In another study, happier participants showed greater willingness to take greater
financial risks for high returns. This process appears to be related to links between positive affect
and the psychological resilience that high levels of this type of affect may build over time (Xing
& Sun, 2013). Thus, it may be that the link between happiness and psychological resilience
allows individuals who are high in both of these areas to be able to feel more comfortable taking
risks in general. Risk-taking could, of course, lead to either a positive and negative outcome
(e.g., one could lose money or gain money with a risky financial investment). That said,
however, taking opportunities as they come could provide more benefits in the long term. In
addition, even when crises occur, an individual with psychological resilience (as developed by
increased positive affect experiences) may be better able to handle this type of circumstance
(Xing & Sun, 2013). Building on Isen’s work, Fredrickson (2000) has developed a new
theoretical framework, the broaden-and-build model of positive emotions, which may provide
some explanations for the robust social and cognitive effects of positive emotional experiences.
In Fredrickson’s review of models of emotions (Smith, 1991), she found that responses to
positive emotions have not been extensively studied and that, when researched, they were
examined in a vague and underspecified manner. Furthermore, action tendencies generally have
been associated with physical reactions to negative emotions (imagine “fight or flight”), whereas
human reactions to positive emotions often are more cognitive than physical. For these reasons,
she proposes discarding the specific action tendency concept (which suggests a restricted range
of possible behavioral options) in favor of a newer, more inclusive term, momentary thought–
action repertoires (which suggest a broad range of behavioral options; imagine “taking off
blinders” and seeing available opportunities). Barbara Fredrickson Source: Reprinted with
permission of Jeff Chapell. To illustrate the difference in that which follows positive and
negative emotions, consider the childhood experience of one of the authors (SJL). Notice how
positive emotions (e.g., excitement and glee) lead to cognitive flexibility and creativity, whereas
negative emotions (e.g., fear and anxiety) are linked to a fleeing response and termination of
activities. During a Saturday visit to my grandmother’s home, I had the time of my life playing a
marathon game of hide-and-seek with my brother and four cousins. The hours of play led to
excitement and giggling . . . and the creation of new game rules and obstacles. The unbridled joy
we experienced that afternoon made us feel free; we felt like that day would go on forever.
Unfortunately, the fun was interrupted. The abrupt end to the game came when my cousin Bubby
spotted me hiding behind the tall grasses on the back of my grandmother’s property. I darted out
of my hiding place to escape from him. As I ran around the house, I veered off into the vacant lot
next door. Laughing with glee, I ran as hard as I could. Suddenly, there was an obstacle in my
path. I leaped over it as Bub screamed uncontrollably. As I turned around, I realized I had
jumped over a four-foot water moccasin, a highly poisonous snake. As my cousin’s screaming
continued, I grew increasingly jittery. Without thinking, we backed away from the snake . . . and
then ran for our lives. When we finally stopped running, we could not catch our breaths. No one
was hurt, but our fear and anxiety had taken the fun out of our day. In testing her model of
positive emotions, Fredrickson (2000) demonstrated that the experience of joy expands the realm
of what a person feels like doing at the time; this is referred to as the broadening of an
individual’s momentary thought-action repertoire. Following an emotion-eliciting film clip (the
clips induced one of five emotions: joy, contentment, anger, fear, or a neutral condition),
research participants were asked to list everything they would like to do at that moment (see the
results in Figure 6.1). Those participants who experienced joy or contentment listed significantly
more desired possibilities than did the people in the neutral or negative conditions. In turn, those
expanded possibilities for future activities should lead the joyful individuals to initiate
subsequent actions. Those who expressed more negative emotions, on the other hand, tended to
shut down their thinking about subsequent possible activities. Simply put, joy appears to open us
up to many new thoughts and behaviors, whereas negative emotions dampen our ideas and
actions. Figure 6.1 The Broadening Effects of Positive Emotions Source: Fredrickson (2002).
Used with permission of Oxford University Press, Inc. Joy also increases our likelihood of
behaving positively toward other people, along with aiding in developing more positive
relationships. Furthermore, joy induces playfulness (Frijda, 1994), which is quite important
because such behaviors are evolutionarily adaptive in acquisition of necessary resources.
Juvenile play builds (1) enduring social and intellectual resources by encouraging attachment, (2)
higher levels of creativity, and (3) brain development (Cohn & Fredrickson, 2009; Fredrickson,
2002). Playfulness is now also being studied in adults with more positive results. Young adults
who are more playful have less perceived stress and are found to cope better with various
stressors in their lives (Magnuson & Barnett, 2013). Other research has found that playfulness
can be linked to greater life satisfaction (Proyer, 2012) and other positive attributes (Proyer &
Ruch, 2011). It appears that, through the effects of broadening processes, positive emotions also
can help build resources. In 2002, Fredrickson and her colleague, Thomas Joiner, demonstrated
this building phenomenon by assessing people’s positive and negative emotions and broadminded coping (solving problems with creative means) on two occasions 5 weeks apart. The
researchers found that initial levels of positive emotions predicted overall increases in creative
problem solving. These changes in coping also predicted further increases in positive emotions
(see Figure 6.2). Similarly, controlling for initial levels of positive emotion, initial levels of
coping predicted increases in positive emotions, which in turn predicted increases in coping.
These results held true only for positive emotions, not for negative emotions. Therefore, positive
emotions such as joy may help generate resources; maintain a sense of vital energy (i.e., more
positive emotions); and create even more resources. Cohn and Fredrickson (2009) referred to this
positive sequence as the “upward spiral” of positive emotions (see Figure 6.3). Figure 6.2 The
Building Effects of Positive Emotions Source: From Mayne, T. J., & Bonanno, G. A., Emotions.
Copyright © 2001. Reprinted with permission of Guilford Press. Figure 6.3 The Upward Spiral
of Positive Emotions Source: From Cohn, M. A., & Fredrickson, B. L., Positive emotions, in S.
J. Lopez & C. R. Snyder (Eds.), Oxford handbook of positive psychology (pp. 13–24). Copyright
© 2009. Reprinted with permission of Oxford University Press. Extending her model of positive
emotions, Fredrickson and colleagues examined the “undoing” potential of positive emotions
(Fredrickson, Mancuso, Branigan, & Tugade, 2000) and the ratio of positive to negative
emotional experiences that is associated with human flourishing (Fredrickson & Losada, 2005).
Fredrickson et al. (2000) hypothesized that, given the broadening and building effects of positive
emotions, joy and contentment might function as antidotes to negative emotions. To test this
hypothesis, the researchers exposed all participants in their study to a situation that aroused
negative emotion and immediately randomly assigned people to emotion conditions (sparked by
evocative video clips) ranging from mild joy to sadness. Cardiovascular recovery represented the
undoing process and was operationalized as the time that elapsed from the start of the randomly
assigned video until the physiological reactions induced by the initial negative emotion returned
to baseline. The undoing hypothesis was supported, as participants in the joy and contentment
conditions were able to undo the effects of the negative emotions more quickly than the people in
the other conditions. These findings suggest that there is an incompatibility between positive and
negative emotions and that the potential effects of negative experiences can be offset by positive
emotions such as joy and contentment. Given that positive emotions help people build enduring
resources and recover from negative experiences, Fredrickson and Losada (2005) hypothesized
that positive emotions might be associated with optimal mental health or flourishing (i.e.,
positive psychological and social well-being; see the complete mental health model on p. 140).
By subjecting data on undergraduate participants’ mental health (from a flourishing measure)
and their emotional experience (students rated the extent to which they experienced 20 emotions
each day for 28 days) to mathematical analysis, the researchers found that a mean ratio of 2:9
positive to negative emotions predicts human flourishing. Unfortunately, it was recently
discovered that the math used to attain this ratio had many flaws. Nicholas Brown, a graduate
student at the University of East London, discovered the math mistakes and submitted a paper
(Brown, Sokal, & Friedman, 2013) questioning the assertion that a critical point between
flourishing and languishing could actually be quantified. Fredrickson (2013) responded to the
critique, noting computation errors and acknowledging the absence of such a tipping point
between languishing and flourishing, but she defended the merit of the body of research on
positive emotions. Fredrickson states that, regardless of an actual number existing to represent
this point, it still appears that the data reflect the effect of a higher number of positive events in
comparison to negative events and that this effect is a beneficial one. Individuals in the original
study who were flourishing did have ratios that reflected this balance (Fredrickson, 2013;
Fredrickson & Losada, 2005). Brown and his colleagues reject this response as being valid to the
argument. In the end, we are left with more questions in this area, and it is clear that more
research may provide us with answers. All in all, perhaps it was the act of trying to assign a
number to the human condition that began the argument. It may be that it is more beneficial for
us to think both qualitatively and quantitatively about positive experiences. In daily life, looking
for the positive more often than the negative still seems to be a worthwhile pursuit. Positive
affect may have other benefits as well. Sonja Lyubomirsky, Laura King, and Ed Diener (2005)
conducted an extensive review of 225 papers across three classes of studies (longitudinal, crosssectional, and experimental) to investigate the complicated links between happiness and other
positive outcomes, such as success. Though many studies in the past have found correlational
links between these constructs, Lyubomirsky and colleagues posit that “positive affect—the
hallmark of well-being—may be the cause of many of the desirable characteristics, resources,
and successes correlated with happiness” (p. 803). These researchers found that preliminary
evidence exists to suggest that success and other beneficial outcomes may be caused by the
presence of happiness in a person’s life. Though more research in this area must be done, these
initial findings lay the groundwork for future studies to determine more information about the
causal links between happiness and other related constructs. Personal Mini-Experiments In
Search of Joy and Lasting Happiness In this chapter, we discuss positive emotion and happiness.
Our review suggests that pleasant emotional experiences can be induced via brief miniexperiments. Here are a few ideas for experiments aimed at boosts in joy and happiness. The
Cartoon/Comedy Pretest–Posttest. Respond to the PANAS (see p. 134) based on how you feel at
the moment, then watch an episode (5 to 20 minutes without commercials, if possible) of your
favorite cartoon or situation comedy that showcases good-natured humor (not sarcastic or
sardonic humor). Complete a second PANAS immediately after viewing the show. Then, note
the changes that have occurred in your positive and negative affect. The “Movie, Then What?”
Experiment. This experiment requires careful selection of two movies: one that has sad themes
and a sanguine ending (a “feel-bad” film), and one that emphasizes joy and triumph (a “feelgood” film). Across two occasions, invite the same group of friends for movie watching at home
or in the theater. After the movies, ask your friends, “Hey, if you could do anything at all right
now, what would you do? What else?” Make mental notes of how many future activities are
mentioned and the exuberance with which your friends discuss these activities. Identify the
differences in the thought–action repertoires across the conditions of the “feel-bad” movie and
the “feel-good” movie. Commonsense Definitions of Happiness. Have you ever asked someone
about his or her views on happiness? We encourage you to ask friends and acquaintances of
various ages and backgrounds, “How do you define happiness in your life? What are some
benchmarks or signs of your happiness?” You will be surprised by the diversity of answers and
refreshed and entertained by the many stories accompanying people’s responses. In listening, pay
attention to the cultural contexts that often shape these definitions. Positive Emotion Styles
Linked to the Common Cold A. Palmer Positive emotions may increase resistance to the
common cold, according to a recent study in Psychosomatic Medicine (Vol. 65, No. 1). The
research by Sheldon Cohen, PhD, of Carnegie Mellon University, and colleagues adds to a body
of literature that suggests that emotional styles influence health. The researchers interviewed 334
healthy volunteers by phone for 7 evenings over 3 weeks to assess their emotional states.
Participants described how they felt throughout the day in three positive-emotion areas of vigor,
well-being, and calm and three negative-emotion areas of depression, anxiety, and hostility by
rating their emotions on a scale of 0 to 4. After this initial evaluation, researchers administered a
shot of a rhinovirus, the germ that causes colds, into each participant’s nose. Afterward,
participants were observed for 5 days to see if they became sick and in what ways cold
symptoms manifested. The volunteers were considered to have a clinical cold if they were both
infected and met illness criteria. “People who scored low on positive emotional style were three
times more likely to get sick than those with high positive emotional styles,” Cohen says. The
researchers then measured how emotional style affected all sick participants’ reporting of cold
symptoms. Each day of the quarantine, researchers asked them to report the severity of such cold
symptoms as a runny nose, cough, and headaches on a 4-point scale. While negative emotional
style did not affect whether people developed colds, the study found that people with higher
negative emotional styles reported more symptoms than expected from objective health markers,
Cohen says. Those with lower positive emotions reported fewer symptoms of illness than
expected. Positive emotional style was also associated with better health practices and lower
levels of epinephrine, norepinephrine, and cortisol, three stress-related hormones, but the
researchers found that this did not account for the link between positive emotional style and
illness. Considering the average adult catches 2 to 5 colds per year and children average 7 to 10
colds per year, developing psychological risk profiles and considering ways to enhance positive
emotions might reduce the risk of colds, says Cohen. Cohen adds that future research should
focus on the unique biological role that emotions play in health. Source: From Palmer, A.,
Positive emotion styles linked to the common cold, Monitor in Psychology, November 2003, p.
16. Copyright © 2003 by the American Psychological Association. Reproduced with permission.
No further reproduction or distribution is permitted without written permission from the
American Psychological Association. Happiness and Subjective Well-Being: Living a
Pleasurable Life Age-Old Definitions of Happiness Buddha left home in search of a more
meaningful existence and ultimately found enlightenment, a sense of peace, and happiness.
Aristotle believed that eudaimonia (human flourishing associated with living a life of virtue), or
happiness based on a lifelong pursuit of meaningful, developmental goals (i.e., “doing what is
worth doing”), was the key to the good life (Waterman, 1993). America’s founders reasoned that
the pursuit of happiness was just as important as our inalienable rights of life and liberty. These
age-old definitions of happiness, along with many other conceptualizations of emotional wellbeing, have had clear influences on the views of twentieth- and twenty-first-century scholars, but
more recent psychological theory and genetic research have helped us to clarify happiness and its
correlates. Theories of happiness have been divided into three types: (1) need/goal satisfaction
theories, (2) process/activity theories, and (3) genetic/personality predisposition theories (Diener
et al., 2009). (Explore folk definitions of happiness by completing the third exercise in the
Personal Mini-Experiments earlier in this chapter.) In regard to need/goal satisfaction theories,
the leaders of particular schools of psychotherapy proffered various ideas about happiness. For
example, psychoanalytic and humanistic theorists (Sigmund Freud and Abraham Maslow,
respectively) suggested that the reduction of tension or the satisfaction of needs lead to
happiness. In short, it was theorized that we are happy because we have reached our goals. Such
“happiness as satisfaction” makes happiness a target of our psychological pursuits. In the
process/activity camp, theorists posit that engaging in particular life activities generates
happiness. For example, Mike Csikszentmihalyi, who was one of the first twentieth-century
theorists to examine process/activity conceptualizations of happiness, proposed that people who
experience flow (engagement in interesting activities that match or challenge task-related skills)
in daily life tend to be very happy. Indeed, Csikszentmihalyi’s (1975/2000, 1990) work suggests
that engagement in activity produces happiness. Other process/activity theorists (e.g., Emmons,
1986; Snyder, 1994) have emphasized how the process of pursuing goals generates energy and
happiness. This pursuit-of-happiness perspective mirrors the United States’ founders’ promise of
“life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” Activities such as the practice of gratitude and
kindness may also provide boosts in well-being for some groups. Empirical evidence exists for
the fact that regular engagement in these types of positive acts can help individuals to improve
their happiness over time by prescriptive use of tasks such as the writing of gratitude letters and
purposeful acts of kindness (Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009), or strategic use of optimism
(Lyubomirsky, Dickerhoof, Boehm, & Sheldon, 2011). Interestingly, however, well-being is not
always improved by the same activities in different cultural groups. In a comparison of
participants from the United States and those from South Korea, it was found that while
expressing gratitude benefited the U.S. participants with spikes in well-being, this activity was
significantly less helpful for South Korean participants, resulting in decreases in well-being
(Layous, Lee, Choi, & Lyubomirsky, 2013). This same study found that acts of kindness had the
same effect in both groups,