INT’L. J. AGING AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT, Vol. 63(2) 153-171, 2006
LIFE REVIEW: IMPLEMENTATION, THEORY,
RESEARCH, AND THERAPY
DAVID HABER, PH.D.
Ball State University
ABSTRACT
A selective literature review of publications on life review generated ideas on
implementation, theory, research, and therapy. The review begins by
differentiating life review from reminiscence, and summarizing ways to
conduct a life review. A dozen theories that have been influenced by the life
review technique are presented, with a focus placed on Erikson’s Stages of
Psychosocial Development. Erikson’s theory has not only been influenced by
the life review, it has had a major impact on life review research. Three
research topics are discussed: Erikson’s ego integrity versus despair in old
age, demographical differences in the practice of life reviews, and the impact
of conducting life reviews on staff in institutional settings. Most practitioners
of life reviews are institutional staff, university students, and family members,
many of whom have had limited prior training. The prospect of a certified life
review training program is discussed.
Rather than seeing ones life as simply one damned thing after another, the
individual attempts to understand life events as systematically related . . . a life
story (Gergen & Gergen, 1983).
To understand life, people tell stories. Storytellers in traditional societies were
older adults, the ones who remembered the past and helped the young learn from it.
For many years, this storytelling tradition not only served as a means for passing
down information from one generation to the next, but enhanced the elder’s status
within the community.
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Along with many other changes associated with modernity, this storytelling role
among older citizens fell by the wayside. And, some argue, the prestige, status, and
self-esteem of older adults have been diminished as well. In contemporary society,
however, a growing number of community practitioners and educators are
attempting to revive the storytelling role and enhance the mental health of older
adults through a life review.
This selective literature review differentiates life review from reminiscence,
summarizes ways to conduct a life review, compares theoretical frameworks, and
examines research and therapeutic topics. The review was guided by four search
engines—Medline, AARP Ageline, CINAHL, and PsycINFO—using the terms
life review, reminiscence, life story, and oral history. About 600 abstracts were
identified, and 140 publications were selected for review.
LIFE REVIEW VERSUS REMINISCENCE
Though life review and reminiscence are by far the most commonly used terms
in the literature, there are many similar expressions in use, such as life story, life
history, oral history, guided autobiography, personal narrative, and narrative
gerontology. These terms are oftentimes uniquely defined by a particular author,
and other times used interchangeably. Standard definitions of these terms have not
been achieved, though progress has been made toward the important goal of
differentiating life review from reminiscence.
The simplest definition of reminiscence is the recall of memories. This is
usually characterized as simple daydreaming, storytelling, or nostalgia by oneself
or with others. Reminiscence is likely a universal experience from at least the age
of 10 (King, 1982). It is a passive and spontaneous process that may be part
of a life review but is not synonymous with it. Sometimes the terms reminiscence and reminiscence therapy are used as synonyms for life review. In these
instances, the terms do not refer to the simple and spontaneous recall of memories, but a structured and systematic process deliberately implemented with
willing participants.
A life review is typically structured around one or more life themes, most often
family themes—ranging from ones own childhood, to the experience of being a
parent, to being a grandparent; and work themes—from first job, to major life’s
work, to retirement. Other commonly used themes, but by no means the only ones,
are: major turning points; impact of major historical events; role of education,
health, holidays, music, literature, or art in ones life; experiences with aging, dying
and death; and meaning, values, and purpose.
Life review is also more likely than reminiscence to be an evaluative process, in
that participants examine how their memories contribute to the meaning of their
life, and they may work at coming to terms with more difficult memories.
Individuals who engage in reminiscence or life history, in contrast, often detail the
events of their life in more of a descriptive fashion.
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While life review is similar to reminiscence in that people enjoy doing it, it
is also done for educational or therapeutic purposes. Life review conducted for educational purposes can teach or inform others, pass on knowledge and experience to a new generation, or enhance understanding of ones
own life or oneself. Life review conducted for therapeutic purposes can
help people cope with loss, guilt, conflict or defeat; or help someone find meaning
in ones accomplishments.
Robert Butler’s (1963) landmark article on life review and reminiscence, “The
Life Review: An Interpretation of Reminiscence in the Aged,” was the major
impetus in the field even though some contentions in his article have been
disputed. Several analysts, for instance, have disagreed with Butler that life
reviews are universal (Lieberman & Tobin, 1983; Merriam, 1995; Taft & Nehrke,
1990). Butler, however, makes a distinction between reminiscence and life review,
and the universality that he referred to in his article may have been exclusively
focused on reminiscence.
Another Butler contention that has not received unanimous support is that
reminiscence becomes more frequent with age. This has been confirmed by some
researchers (Lieberman & Falk, 1971; Revere & Tobin, 1980) but not others
(de Vries, Blando, & Walker, 1995; Romaniuk & Romaniuk, 1983; Webster,
1994). And Butler’s assertion that reminiscence appears to be precipitated by
approaching death is not supported by one research study (Merriam, 1995).
What is indisputable about Butler’s article, though, is that he began to
remove the stigma associated with reminiscence and life review among older
adults. Butler argued that these activities were not predominantly triggered by
pathological tendencies for the purpose of escaping the realities of the
present, but were normal processes that emerged from a desire to enjoy, grow,
cope, or change.
Birren and Cochran (2001) observe that life review is not therapy, but it often
can be therapeutic. Lewis and Butler (1974) go one step further and note that the
life review can be a very useful tool for therapists. “. . . the life review obviously is
not a process initiated by the therapist. Rather the therapist taps into an already
ongoing self-analysis and participates in it with the older person” (p. 166). The
authors then describe several techniques for using life review to enhance
individual and group psychotherapy.
CONDUCTING A LIFE REVIEW
Recognizing the universality and value of reminiscence, Butler encouraged
more formal life reviews that systematically elicit memories for educational and
therapeutic purposes. And increasingly over the four decades since Butler’s
seminal article was published, practitioners in the community have translated the
desire to reminisce among older adults into more formal life reviews.
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Activity directors in retirement communities and nursing homes, for example,
are providing an enjoyable or educational life review experience for older
residents. Students instructed by university professors or high school teachers
are initiating intergenerational life review experiences that benefit both
generations. And family members are recording life reviews for the benefit of
younger generations.
A life review requires few resources and modest training. It can be done by
oneself, but more often it is guided by a partner, or by a facilitator as part of a group
experience (Birren et al., 1996; Birren & Cochran, 2001). Haight (1995) surveyed
41 guided life reviews in the literature and reported that they were roughly equally
divided between paired and group interventions.
Paired life reviews tend to be of shorter duration, up to six meetings; group life
reviews tend to range from 1 to 11 months (Haight, 1995). Paired sessions allow
for easier access and less complicated confidentiality issues; group sessions add
the benefit of helping older adults establish new peer relationships or adjust better
to a new congregate housing site or institutional setting.
Based on considerable experience with conducting life reviews, Haight and
colleagues (2000) report that for a life review to have substantial impact on the
participants’ mental health it should involve a sufficient investment in time (6
weeks or longer), scope (birth to present), intimacy (listening by other), and
evaluation (analysis and synthesis). The ideal length of a single interview session
is unknown, but sessions often last between one and two hours, unless physical
frailty requires a shorter time period (Detzner, 1981).
Often a life review involves the use of memorabilia to inspire memories, such as
scrapbooks, family photo albums, letters, cherished possessions, and genealogies
(Sherman, 1995b). Music can be used to enhance memories, especially as they
relate to weddings, wars, holidays, religion, or popular songs of a particular era
(Kartman, 1991). In addition, some older adults take pilgrimages to significant
sites in their past in order to stimulate memories. Although a life review may be
just an oral experience, an additional written version is likely to add to its potential
impact on mental health (Sherman, 1991, 1995a). The interview sessions may
initially be recorded by tape recorder or by written notes, followed by repeat
editing and multiple drafts.
Conducting life reviews with college or high school students as interviewers
requires making sure that students have two skills: writing and interviewing
(Myerhoff & Tufte, 1975). Writing skills include not only knowledge of grammar but editing skills to enhance the meaning of the content. Interviewing
skills include setting up meetings in a reliable fashion, avoiding interference
with the flow of memories, stimulating additional memories when necessary,
listening with great attention and openness, and focusing the interview if the older
adults’ memories wander. Facilitating group life reviews, however, requires
additional skills typically obtained through training and experience (Burnside &
Haight, 1994).
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There are an increasing number of persons who have gone into the business of
preserving life reviews through written materials, audio tapes, video tapes, and
CD-ROMS (Kunz, 1998). In 1994, the Association of Personal Historians was
founded, and in 1995, an international biannual conference was launched, called
The Reminiscence and Life Review Conference.
LIFE REVIEW THEORY
Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
Erik Erikson’s (1950) Stages of Psychosocial Development was focused primarily on childhood development, due to the prevailing influence of Sigmund
Freud at that time. The last two of Erikson’s eight stages, though, were focused on
the second half of life, and this inclusion was particularly innovative for its time.
Erikson directly addressed the importance of conducting a life review during the
last stage of life.
Each of Erikson’s developmental stages embodies a fundamental issue that
challenges the individual who attempts to resolve it and move on to the next stage.
The issue in stage seven is external in focus and deals with generativity versus
stagnation. Generativity refers to whether the individual is able to help guide the
next generation in parenting, teaching, mentoring, and other behaviors that
contribute a positive legacy that will outlive the self.
Although this stage directly relates to life stories and the ability to transmit
culture to younger generations, no empirical study was found that uses generativity as its guiding theory. One contributing factor may be the lack of an operational definition for generativity. Erikson (1975) defines it as not just procreativity
and productivity, but any activity that contributes to the life of generations.
The issue in stage eight, however, has drawn considerable attention from
researchers, theoreticians, and therapists. Stage eight is aimed inward and deals
with the central issue of ego integrity versus despair. Ego integrity is defined as a
basic acceptance of ones life as having been inevitable, appropriate, and
meaningful. Despair, in contrast, is associated with resentment, guilt, and regret.
Erikson viewed life review or reminiscence as vital to the task of stage eight, the
stage associated with old age. Life review can help older individuals acquire ego
integrity and avoid despair. A life review, according to Erikson, can help create an
acceptance of one’s one and only life cycle with few or no regrets. It does this by
helping individuals integrate memories into a meaningful whole, and to provide a
harmonious view of past, present, and future (Clayton, 1975). Those who are
unable to accept and integrate their life experiences will be filled with despair.
If life review is vital for achieving ego integrity, Erikson does not address why
some individuals may achieve ego integrity without this intervention. Nor does
Erikson address why some individuals fail to make progress toward ego integrity
through a life review, and some may even experience a deeper despair.
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Erickson’s developmental theory has generated an enormous amount of
attention to psychosocial development in the second half of life. One study
reported that when older adults are cued to recall memories, content analyses of
the resulting memories shows them to be systematically related to Erikson’s
psychosocial stages (Conway & Holmes, 2004). Nonetheless, as with any theory,
there has been criticism generated as well. A substantial amount of this criticism
has been leveled at the way stage theory emphasizes developmental process at the
expense of cultural variability and cohort effects (Pietikainen & Ihanus, 2003;
Weiland, 1993). On a related note, Cole (1992) points out how stage- and
age-structured perspectives tend to reduce the historical role of religion and
spirituality in guiding the life course.
Wallace (1992) has argued that “growing old differs across settings and
contexts . . . and that developmental views are biased in assuming that aging is the
same for all people, at all times, and in all situations” (p. 120). Erikson’s
methodology, in fact, was based on personal constructs of identity that reflected
the moods of his own life (Kushner, 1993; Thorson, 2000), and he did not subject
his personal observations to systematic data collection and analysis in his own
country and time, much less cross-culturally or with cohorts from substantially
different eras (Pietikainen & Ihanus, 2003).
Erikson’s contention that individuals attempt to resolve the issue of ego
integrity once and for all in the eighth stage of life has been challenged by Melia
(1999). She argues that ego integrity is an issue that emerges repeatedly
throughout adulthood, and in any adult stage of life. She studied the lives of 39
older Catholic religious, and found that ego integrity was never established
definitively, but needed to be grappled with as each new loss—death of a
significant other, health problems, and so forth—was encountered throughout
adulthood. The author of this review refers to Melia’s contention as a “coming to
terms” perspective, and this will be addressed in the next section, after one final
criticism of Erikson’s stages, by Erikson himself.
Erikson, with an addendum by his wife (Erikson & Erikson, 1997), modified his
own eight stages by adding a ninth stage, in a work called: The Life Cycle
Completed: Extended Version. The ninth stage is when the individual truly enters a
life cycle; i.e., cycling back to the issues they were born with. This stage, typically
in one’s late 80s and 90s, is marked by loss of strength, control, and autonomy. The
key issue is to gain hope and trust, which mirrors the issue of the first stage,
infancy. The challenge in stage nine is to avoid giving up, and to be as fully alive as
possible until one is dead.
Coming to Terms
A “coming to terms” perspective provides an alternative to developmental
theory where ego integrity is or is not resolved once and for all in the eighth
stage of life. Coming to terms may instead be a repeated experience that
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arises with each loss in adulthood, and this psychological adjustment may
occur independently within each of several dimensions of life (e.g., family,
work). This perspective was applied by the author to life review projects
competed by students in his introductory gerontology classes over the years
(Haber, 1986). Adults come to terms, or fail to come to terms, with their past
in three ways:
1) Value the Good Things—Adults look back on their lives and recognize the
good things they have achieved in their family life, work career, personal
endeavors, religious orientation, and other domains of life. Older adults, in
comparison to younger adults, may be more oriented toward maximizing
emotional rewards through the life review process (Pasupathi & Carstensen,
2003). Students in the author’s classes, therefore, have been encouraged to
draw out positive experiences, emphasize them, and maximize the mental
health benefits that can be accrued by emphasizing and valuing positive
memories.
2) Come to Terms with the Difficult Things—Older adults come to terms with
most of the major challenges of life, such as adjusting to widowhood,
retirement, and diminished physical vigor. Students in the author’s classes
have been encouraged to support older adults when they choose to examine
these experiences, but not dwell on them when the older adult appears ready
to move on. This moving on process may involve a shift to a more neutral or
positive topic, with students being encouraged to end each interview session
on a positive note.
3) Not Come to Terms with the Difficult Things—Older adults may not be able
to come to terms with some aspects of their life. They may obsess on the
perceived good old days, or fixate on failures or conflicts in ones past or
present. A longstanding feud with a family member or the death of a child,
for instance, may become an obsessive and anxiety-producing memory
(LoGerfo, 1981). Depending on the setting, such as a nursing home or a
retirement community, students may need to terminate the interview as
gracefully as possible, and inform the staff at these facilities of a possible
need for a mental health referral.
Unlike Erikson’s developmental theory, which culminates with the issue of
resolving integrity versus despair in the last stage of life, coming to terms is an
ongoing process throughout adulthood. However, in comparison to Erikson’s
eighth stage of development which has inspired a substantial number of empirical
studies, a coming to terms perspective has not been subjected to many
investigations. Perhaps this is due to the subjective nature of analyzing a
coming to terms with ones life, and the smaller number of qualitative–versus
quantitative–studies that are being published in academic journals.
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Other Theories
There are many other theories that relate to the life review perspective that have
also received scant attention in the literature. In general, these theories note that
life stories are constructed and reconstructed through the telling of story after story
in order to maintain a positive identity (Gergen, 1980; Meacham, 1995; Molinari
& Reichlin, 1985; Randall & Kenyon, 2002; Tarman, 1988). One threat to an
individual’s identity is the increasingly rapid pace of social and cultural change
with each succeeding generation, combined with a negative stereotype of aging.
Thus, memories that may have once been positive tend to fade, and may need to
be retrieved, reaffirmed, and validated in the context of present day life. And
negative memories may need to be ignored or minimized in their emotional import
through selective reminiscing about positive experiences. There is evidence to
suggest that older adults who engage in life review do this more effectively in
comparison to younger adults (Pasupathi & Carstensen, 2003).
Another theory along these lines is Erving Goffman’s (1963) dramaturgical
presentation of self. “Older individuals attempt to present a positive impression of
themselves in order to combat the growing stigma of old age” (Tarman, 1988, p.
172). Goffman (1959) proposes that individuals continually manipulate the
impressions that others make of them in order to maintain their self-esteem.
Life review can also be interpreted in the context of several gerontology
theories. Continuity theory, for instance, suggests that as individuals transition
from one stage to the next over the life cycle, the primary need is to seek order and
meaning by linking past events with the present (Atchley, 1989). As stated by
Parker (1995) “Individuals build life stories as they age, and these stories
incorporate past events into an organized sequence, giving them a personal
meaning and a sense of continuity.”
Life review has also been associated with both the disengagement and activity
theories in the field of gerontology. Prior to Robert Butler’s reinterpretation of
reminiscence and life review, there was widespread speculation that this type of
activity is part of the disengagement process; i.e., living in the past versus seeking
new experience (Butler, 1963). Conversely, one can interpret the life review
process as part of activity theory (i.e., an active mental activity) that might sharpen
mental acuity and postpone dementia (Wilson et al., 2002).
Many theorists have posited that the life review enhances therapeutic
techniques. Butler (2002) proposes that the life review skill may be a valuable
component of family therapy, “facilitating consensus and clarification of specific
family issues” (p. 9). Puentes (2004) suggests that life review can be integrated
with, and strengthen, cognitive therapy through the review of major themes in ones
life and examining them for cognitive distortions.
Crose (1990) proposes that life review can be a valuable addition to gestalt
therapy by bringing significant past events into the here and now in order to
resolve a persistent issue and achieve closure. Ray (1998) examines life review in
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the context of feminist theory. Kralik and colleagues (2004) suggest that the life
review process may be an important component of self-efficacy theory, and can
fortify coping strategies with chronic illness.
Reker and Chamberlain (2000), in their edited book: Exploring Existential
Meaning, point out that the life review process may be interwoven with existential
theory. Both address the same questions: How do events in my life fit into a
larger context? What is the purpose of my life? Is there meaning in my life?
What is worth living for? Except for “fixed reminiscence,” when the story is
told repeatedly in the same way to affirm a particular value, most memories are
told through “dynamic reminiscence,” with feelings and meanings still evolving
(Chandler & Ray, 2002).
Merriam and Clark (1993) suggest that life review can bring together theorists
who tend to work in separate domains. The authors note that most, if not all,
important aspects of our lives are within the domains of work and love. Work is
task and achievement oriented, and tends to attract analysts from the fields of
sociology, organizational behavior, or management. Love, however, is focused on
feelings and relationships, and attracts psychologists and related therapists. Life
review practitioners, however, can bridge the theoretical divide by asking the
following questions: Does activity and energy devoted to one area stimulate or
deplete development in the other? Do men emphasize work and women love, to
the neglect of the other? If one area is neglected is there necessarily a diminution
of life satisfaction?
LIFE REVIEW RESEARCH TOPICS
Ego Integrity versus Despair
Given that Erikson’s eighth stage of psychosocial development is the most
widely cited component of a theory in the life review literature, it is not surprising
that the outcome variables drawing the most attention correlate with his two basic
concepts: ego integrity versus despair.
Many life review studies measure ego integrity, or related dependent variables such as life satisfaction, psychological well-being, and self-esteem (Haight
et al., 2000). One study of elderly nursing home residents reported that completing
a life review was positively correlated with high ego integrity scores (Taft &
Nehrke, 1990). In a carefully controlled study, a randomly selected group of 60
homebound elderly subjects increased life satisfaction and psychological
well-being in comparison to a friendly visit control group and a no-treatment
group (Haight, 1988).
A study of 36 female residents in three nursing homes noted that life review led
to increased life satisfaction (Cook, 1998). Another study reported that a life
review intervention was effective in improving the life satisfaction of 31 older
adults living in sheltered housing (Fielden, 1990).
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A substantial number of life review studies measure depression, which can be
viewed as an operational definition of Erikson’s despair. Depression is the most
common emotional disorder among older adults, and it is often overlooked and
under-treated by health professionals (Haber, 2003). When treated, the primary
modality has been medication which, while effective, can be expensive and may
have substantial side effects. Several studies, however, have demonstrated that an
inexpensive life review can be effective in treating depression without harmful
side effects.
Haight and colleagues reported that a life review intervention in comparison to a
friendly visit was not only an effective intervention for reducing depression among
residents in a nursing home (Haight, Michel, & Hendrix, 1998), but a 3-year
follow-up revealed lasting effects with some of the residents (Haight et al., 2000).
Similar—though shorter-term—positive results were obtained with older adults
who were: clients of a social service agency (Serrano, Latorre, Gatz, & Montanes,
2004); older women living in an assisted living facility (Jones, 2003); older
residents living in nursing homes (Ashida, 2000; Taft & Nehrke, 1990; Youssef,
1990); and clinically depressed hospital patients (Bacher et al. 1991; McDougall,
Blixen, & Suen, 1997).
Beecham and colleagues (1998) speculate that life reviews allow institutionalized residents in particular an opportunity to gain a sense of control over their life
story, in contrast to a lack of control over independence, medical decisions, and
their institutional environment. In addition, high pretest depression scores in
institutional settings allow for a reduction to take place, in contrast to community
settings where low pretest depression scores make further reduction unlikely
(Haight, 1988; Stevens-Ratchford, 1993).
One study of older adults with moderate or severe depression reported that life
reviews led to significant improvements in depressive symptoms within a short
6-week time frame (Watt & Cappeliez, 2000). The researchers noted that this
psychosocial treatment appeared to work more quickly than traditional clinical
interventions, because it is more familiar to the client—the interviewee is already
an expert in the material (personal memories), and does not need to learn new
therapeutic skills or vocabulary.
As noted by Weiss (1995): “The life review process is often seen by older adults
as a more appealing and less threatening activity than most counseling
interventions, because it invites older adults to discuss their past and to uncover
positive life experiences and inner strengths” (p. 168).
Demographical Differences
The content of life reviews may be influenced by demographic variables, such
as gender, ethnicity, age, and so forth. The demographic variable that has received
more research attention than most is gender. Males appear to focus life reviews
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more on instrumental activities, personal achievements, and historical events,
while females focus more on relationships and emotional events (Davis, 1999;
DeGenova, 1995; Keller, 2002; Ray, 1998).
Sherman (1991) found men to relate memorabilia used in life reviews more
to personal values or ideals, while women relate them more to individuals.
David (1995) found men more attentive to their own selves, women more on
significant others. deVries and colleagues (1995) and Webster (2001) found men
reminisce less frequently, and when they did reminisce they remembered fewer
events, while women reminisce more frequently and reported more enriched,
interpersonal memories.
Ethnic differences with life reviews are only beginning to receive attention.
Blacks used reminiscence more than whites to understand life in general and their
own lives in particular, as well as to teach others about the past and their own
accomplishments (Merriam, 1993). Another study reported that both ChineseAmerican and Mexican-American elders demonstrated as much willingness
to participate in life reviews as Anglo-Americans (Atkinson, Kim, Ruelas, &
Lin, 1999), though in another study the earliest memories of Chinese adults
occurred significantly later than the earliest memories of white Americans
(Han, Leichtman, & Wang, 1998).
These isolated studies do not begin to tap systematic differences among ethnic
groups. Even the most basic question has not been addressed: Do the oral
traditions of different ethnicities influence receptivity toward, or outcomes from,
life reviews?
Finally, life review and reminiscence are being studied more with children,
adolescents, and young adults. Though participants of all ages recall episodes of
wisdom through their autobiographical experiences, it seems that “. . . wisdom
itself manifests differently in different life phases, and full use of one’s wisdom
appears to be a developmental achievement. Adolescents may not yet have
developed the ability to take full advantage of their life experiences by embedding
them in a life story and learning lessons from them” (Bluck & Gluck, 2004, pp.
568-569). Autobiographical memory may be an emerging capacity, along with the
understanding of self (Fivush & Haden, 2003).
Staff Impact
Another area beginning to receive research attention is the impact that life
reviews have on the staff persons administering them. Three studies reported that
conducting life reviews had positive effects on staff perceptions toward older
persons (Goldwasser & Auerbach, 1996; Pietrukowicz & Johnson, 1991; Ross,
1990). One study reported that home health aides were enthusiastic about learning
life review techniques and applying them to older clients, but because of initially
strong attitudes toward aging these aides did not improve their attitudes (Haight &
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Olson, 1989). They did, however, express appreciation about having a therapeutic
tool to enhance their clinical practice.
Another study of nurse’s aides compared those who received a medical chart
along with life history information, with a control group of aides who only
received a medical chart. Aides who received additional life history information
and training demonstrated significantly improved attitudes toward nursing home
residents in comparison to control aides (Pietrukowicz & Johnson, 1991). These
findings are particularly significant given the huge problem of nursing home
personnel turnover.
Haight’s Review
Barbara Haight and colleagues have done three comprehensive summaries of
life review studies through annotated bibliographies. They report that life review
and reminiscence articles have increased to about 15 a year over the past decade,
up from just two or three a year immediately after Robert Butler’s seminal article
in 1963. The most recent annotated bibliography covered 80 life review publications between 1994 and 2000, and was organized by type: scholarly discussions,
research studies, applications, and methods (Hendrix & Haight, 2002). The
authors concluded that life revie