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NASPA Journal
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Aspiring Social Justice Ally Identity Development: A
Conceptual Model
Keith E. Edwards
To cite this article: Keith E. Edwards (2006) Aspiring Social Justice Ally Identity Development: A
Conceptual Model, NASPA Journal, 43:4, 39-60
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.2202/1949-6605.1722
Published online: 04 Jan 2007.
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NASPA Journal, 2006, Vol. 43, no. 4
Aspiring Social Justice Ally Identity
Development: A Conceptual Model
Keith E. Edwards
v
Individuals who are supportive of social justice efforts are
not always effective in their anti-oppression efforts. Some
who genuinely aspire to act as social justice allies are
harmful, ultimately, despite their best intentions, perpetuating the system of oppression they seek to change.
Different underlying motivations of those who aspire to be
allies can lead to differences in effectiveness, consistency,
outcome, and sustainability. The conceptual model presented here, using underlying motivation to frame the different issues and challenges facing those who are aspiring
allies, is offered as a tool for student affairs professionals’
self-reflection and developing students as allies for social
justice.
The conceptual model presented here is intended to help inform
aspiring allies and student affairs professionals seeking to develop
social justice allies how individuals who already support diversity and
social justice view what it means to be an ally. Conceptualizing these
various identities can help student affairs professionals understand
why some allies are effective, consistent, and sustainable where others
are not and build on these good intentions to develop more effective
allies. After first discussing the role of social justice allies in higher
education and student affairs, the author explores the emerging schol-
Keith E. Edwards is a doctoral student in the College Student Personnel
Administration Program at the University of Maryland in College Park, Maryland.
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arship on ally development and relevant theoretical support for this
conceptual model. A framework for understanding aspiring ally identity development, including three developmental statuses of aspiring
ally identities, is presented along with considerations and applications
for student affairs practice in higher education.
Role of Social Justice Allies in Student Affairs
Systems of oppression operate on individual, institutional, and societal levels through conscious and unconscious actions and beliefs to
exploit some individuals or groups and benefit others based on membership or perceived membership in social groups, including but not
limited to race, gender, sexual orientation, class, religion, and ability
(Bell, 1997; Hardiman & Jackson, 1997). As a result, members of
dominant social groups (e.g., men, Whites, heterosexuals) benefit
from unearned privileges given in the form of unearned entitlements,
things everyone should have, and conferred dominance, things no one
should have (McIntosh, 1988). Examples of these privileges include a
heterosexual couple’s ability to show affection in public without fear of
harassment or assault or an able-bodied person not having to worry
where the curb cuts are located when traveling across town or across
campus. These unearned privileges are granted not as a result of merit,
hard work, talent, or accomplishment, but rather as a result of the
inequitable systems that award these privileges to some and not others based solely on social group membership.
The system of oppression not only influences students and institutions
of higher education, but as social institutions colleges and universities
have also been instrumental in perpetuating and maintaining the system (Kivel, 2002). Student affairs professionals committed to social
justice education seek not only to develop their own critical consciousness and change oppressive systems within their educational
institutions as transformative educators (Rhoads & Black, 1995), but
also to educate students to engage in societal transformation towards
a vision of social justice.
Until recently, explorations with regard to social justice in student
affairs have focused on either the experience of members of subordinate groups who are targets of the system of oppression or the oppres-
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sive attitudes and behaviors of those from dominant groups who are
agents of the system, often unknowingly and unintentionally (Adams,
Bell, & Griffin, 1997; Broido, 2000). A social service approach,
focused on supporting those who are the targets of oppression, is
essential and should continue to be advanced: however, encouraging
a social change approach is also necessary to change the structures in
institutions and society that perpetuate systems of oppression, making
these social services necessary in the first place (Kivel, 2000). A social
justice approach to education focused on social change (Adams et al.,
1997; hooks, 1994) is in the best interest of all members of society, not
just those who are from marginalized social groups and the direct targets of the system of oppression (Freire, 1972/2000; Johnson, 2001).
For student affairs professionals, developing social justice allies is a
key component of working towards social change. Broido (2000) built
on earlier definitions (Washington & Evans, 1991) to define social justice allies as “members of dominant social groups (e.g., men, Whites,
heterosexuals) who are working to end the system of oppression that
gives them greater privilege and power based on their social-group
membership” (p. 3). Allies engage in social justice efforts to reform or
dismantle systems of oppression and strive toward a “vision of society
in which the distribution of resources is equitable and all members are
physically and psychologically safe and secure” (Bell, 1997, p. 3).
Emerging Scholarship on Ally Development
The emerging empirical and theoretical literature on ally development
has primarily explored the factors encouraging or hindering individuals from dominant social groups to aspire to be social justice allies
(Broido & Reason, 2005). This literature informs the conceptualization of the model presented here, which focuses on how those who
already aspire to be allies can be more effective, consistent, and sustainable and how student affairs professionals can encourage this
development.
Using a phenomenological approach to conduct and analyze interviews of college students who were identified by others as social justice allies, Broido (2000) discovered having precollege egalitarian values, gathering information, engaging in meaning making processes,
developing confidence, and being presented with opportunities to act
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as allies were critical factors in the development of social justice allies.
Although all of the students in the study were willing to be allies and
did so when asked or invited, none of them acted as allies until they
were presented with an opportunity to do so. This study highlights the
important role of the college experience in encouraging ally behavior,
even among those who are already willing to be allies.
Fabiano, Perkins, Berkowitz, Linkenbach, and Stark (2003) explored
the role social expectations play in an individual’s willingness or reluctance to engage in ally behavior, particularly college men as allies for
women with regard to sexual violence. In their survey of college students, the authors found that “the only significant predictor of males’
willingness to intervene in a situation that might lead to sexual assault
was their perception of other males’ willingness to intervene” (p. 109).
Fabiano et al. speculated that a social norms approach can be effective
in encouraging college men to confront the comments and behavior of
their male peers. The authors concluded that by accurately revealing
other men’s lack of support for sexist, objectifying, and violent behavior, individual men are more likely to intervene and confront these
sexist messages. There is also conceptual support to explore this
approach for other types of social justice allies (Berkowitz, 2003). By
fostering a motivation to be an ally that is less dependent on the perceptions of peers, student affairs professionals could develop more
consistent social justice allies.
Goodman (2000) identified empathy, moral and spiritual values, and
self-interest as three main sources of motivation contributing to individuals’ support of social justice and equity. In Goodman’s “continuum of self-interest” (p. 1073), individualistic self-interest is about
“me” and “my” interest, relational or mutual self-interest reflects a
motivation to benefit “you and me,” and an interdependent self-interest is focused on a broader “us.” This continuum of self-interest illustrates the importance of underlying motivations in fostering different
conceptualizations of what it means to be an ally.
Theoretical Background
Despite the emerging research on promoting students’ desire to be an
ally, there is little scholarship on the differing ways individuals aspire
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to be allies. In this section the author discusses some of the conceptual and theoretical literature helping to inform student affairs professionals’ growth as aspiring allies and foster development in college students supportive of social justice efforts.
Developmental Dimensions
Identity development is a process of becoming more complex in
understanding personal, social, or professional identities (McEwen,
2003). The model presented here is developmental because the consciousness and understanding of aspiring allies increases in complexity and sophistication (Reason & Davis, 2005). The increasing complexities of underlying motivations are central to the developmental
aspects of this model. Development from self-interest to altruistic to
blended underlying motivation is not only central to an individual’s
desire to work towards social justice, but also key to influencing individual effectiveness in those efforts. The progression from dependence
to independence to interdependence has been observed in Goodman’s
(2000) continuum of self-interest as well as other identity development theories (Helms, 1995; Kegan, 1994; Komives, Owen,
Longerbeam, Mainella, & Osteen, 2005; McEwen, 2003;
Wijeyesinghe & Jackson, 2001).
Cultivating Self-Interest
Although privileges as a result of hierarchical and oppressive systems
are very real and may appear to only benefit members of the dominant
group, ultimately the system of oppression also harms those from the
privileged group as well (Brod, 1987; Freire, 1972/2000). For example, as a result of individual and societal homophobia a heterosexual
man may find it difficult to form meaningful interpersonal relationships with gays and lesbians. On a deeper level, members of dominant
groups may suffer a loss of authenticity and humanity as a result of
their unearned privilege and dominant position in society (Freire,
1972/2000). Brod (1987) argues that members of the dominant
groups are so deeply harmed by their often unwitting participation in
a system of oppression, that they would ultimately be better off without the unearned privileges resulting from the system of oppression.
Although there are many reasons members of dominant groups seek
to dismantle the systems that grant them this unearned privilege,
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breaking free from this pain and becoming “a worker in your own liberation” (Bishop, 2002, p 100), is a key step in becoming an effective,
consistent, and sustainable ally.
Identity Development and Effectiveness,
Consistency, and Sustainability
Due to the action-oriented nature of both leadership and social justice
allies (Avolio & Gardner, 2005; Reason, Broido, Davis, & Evans,
2005a), leadership identity also informs aspiring ally identity.
Research on leadership identity development indicated that differences in leadership identity can result in differences in behavior,
which in turn influence the effectiveness of leadership (Komives et al.,
2005). In earlier stages of leadership development the individual may
self-identify as a leader, although one may not be very effective at practicing leadership as it is defined by those at later stages of the model.
Similarly, an individual may self-identify as an ally and be striving to
do ally work but may be falling short by the definition of allies at later
stages in the model or according to members of oppressed groups.
Since allies are part of dominant social groups by definition (Broido,
2000), it is helpful to examine the identity development of those with
privileged social group identities. Using Helms’s (1995) model of
White racial identity development, student affairs professionals can
begin to see how members of various privileged groups might begin
to foster a sense of their social group identity influencing the individual’s desire and effectiveness working to end oppression.
In Helms’s (1995) first status, contact, one is naïve about the social and
historical meanings of race and racism, may advocate color-blindness
as a positive stance, and likely believes that People of Color can and
desire to be assimilated into the dominant culture. At this status, the
individual may aspire to be an ally and will likely define this as helping members from subordinate groups to conform and blend in without seeing the potential harm of such assimilation (Tatum, 2003).
Someone acting from Helms’s next status, disintegration, is just beginning to develop an awareness of different treatment as a result of
racism, struggling with the dilemma of White privilege, which may
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lead to anger at other members of the dominant group and the individual identifying as an ally. However, because an aspiring ally at this
status does not fully recognize the systemic nature of oppression or
one’s own role in that system, guilt, anger, and anxiety associated with
this increased awareness may result in paternalism and victim blaming. Helms describes the next status as reintegration. In this status, the
person responds to the struggle and guilt of consciousness of White
privilege with pride in White group membership, acceptance of the
dominant cultures messages about race, and fear and anger towards
other racial groups. As a result, an individual functioning from this
status is unlikely to aspire to be an ally. Working through this anger,
one may arrive at a highly intellectual understanding of race and
racism, which Helms’s (1995) identifies as, pseudo-independence. As the
person begins to recognize the role Whites play, Tatum’s (2003) “guilty
White liberal” (p. 106) begins to emerge. This can be seen in many
aspiring allies who attempt to separate themselves from others in a
privileged group by their ally efforts. For example, a White student
may vilify other White people’s racism as a way of establishing his/her
own credibility as a racial ally. The artificial aspects of this status are
evident when those supportive of social justice causes acknowledge
their own oppressive socialization (Harro, 2000) intellectually, but are
unable to confront that socialization in a meaningful way and often
respond defensively when others identify their own oppressive behaviors. When Whites are functioning from Helms’s immersion-emersion
status they have shifted from trying to change People of Color to trying to change Whites. When functioning from this status, people may
be able to be effective allies in some instances, however, the lack of stability stemming from anger at other Whites and searching aspects of
this status prevents them from consistently acting as effective allies.
Individuals functioning from Helms’s final status, autonomy, are centered and balanced in their White identity, which is internalized and
no longer simply intellectualized. Because race is no longer a threat,
alliances with People of Color are easier. An aspiring ally at this status
is able to be a truly effective ally because one is able to work with
members of the oppressed groups, eagerly seeks to understand one’s
own oppressive socialization as a means of liberation, and understands
the complexity of the intersecting nature of all forms of oppression.
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Identity Development of Aspiring
Social Justice Allies
The following descriptions of Aspiring Ally for Self-Interest, Aspiring
Ally for Altruism, and Ally for Social Justice and their developmental
components (see Table 1) are offered as tools for student affairs professionals seeking to develop more effective, consistent, and sustainable allies in themselves and students. The following descriptions
illustrate how different identities may influence a wide range of perspectives and behaviors significantly influencing an aspiring ally’s
effectiveness working against the system of oppression.
Ally for Self-Interest
Aspiring Allies for Self-Interest are primarily motivated to protect
those they care about from being hurt. They often seek to be an ally to
an individual with whom they have a personal connection rather than
to a group or an issue, and see themselves as protectors who intervene
on behalf of a specific individual from an oppressed social group, and
frequently do so without consulting him/her. These individuals may
or may not identify with the term “ally” but instead will see their
behavior in relational terms, such as being a good friend or sister.
Because the focus is on protecting those whom individuals care for,
these aspiring allies may be unlikely to confront overt acts of oppression when the people they care about are not present and may even
join in the oppressive behavior because those they care about are not
directly harmed. For example, a man may offer to walk a female friend
to her car to ensure her safety. This man’s good intentions are
admirable and certainly helpful on an individual level, but unless he
also recognizes the institutional and societal levels of support for violence against women he will be limited in his effectiveness as an ally
and may even unknowingly be engaging in sexist behavior himself
without realizing it. By working with this man to develop an understanding of the systemic nature of oppression, student affairs professionals can build on this man’s good intentions, helping him to be a
more effective ally.
Aspiring Allies for Self-Interest generally see the world as a fair and
just place and are shocked and outraged that these exceptions still
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Table 1
Aspiring Ally Identity Development
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take place in this day and age. They are able to see specific overt acts
of discrimination, but cannot see the underlying pervasive systems of
oppression. Aspiring allies may see acts of oppression as horrible and
terrible acts perpetrated by bad or immoral people such as members
of the Ku Klux Klan. This limited view of oppression makes it difficult
for them to acknowledge, let alone take responsibility for, their own
unintentional oppressive behaviors and role in perpetuating the system of oppression. These unwitting oppressive behaviors can be seen
in students who use language like “that’s so gay” or “that’s retarded”
without intending to marginalize gays and lesbians or people with
developmental disabilities. The focus of Aspiring Allies for SelfInterest’s action is on stopping the “bad people,” perhaps overt and
intentional racists or anti-Semites, but otherwise maintaining the status quo including their own, likely unacknowledged, privilege.
Aspiring Allies for Self-Interest are encouraged because they feel powerful and self-actualized when intervening on behalf of individuals
they care about who are members of oppressed social groups and can
become addicted to being a hero or rescuer and the praise that comes
with that role. Because these aspiring allies do not consult with those
who are oppressed, connect individual acts of oppression to a system,
or acknowledge their own internalized oppressive attitudes and
behaviors, they are likely to engage in behaviors they believe to be
beneficial but that ultimately perpetuate the system of oppression
harming those who the aspiring ally cares about either directly or indirectly. For example, a man may genuinely try to help a women get a
job, despite a history of sexist hiring by the employer, by telling her to
dress nicely for the interview because that is her best asset, not realizing how he is demeaning and objectifying her.
By intervening in specific isolated instances of overt discrimination,
one may be acting in accord with religious doctrine or seeking one’s
own spiritual salvation by doing the “right thing.” Because of a lack of
understanding of the systemic nature of oppression, efforts to address
more institutional aspects of oppression are likely to be met with resistance by Aspiring Allies for Self-Interest and may even be labeled as
discrimination such as “reverse racism” or “the homosexual agenda.”
Aspiring Allies for Self-Interest are often openly accepted for their
good intentions without considering the ways they may perpetuate the
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system of oppression or quickly dismissed or demeaned as potential
allies. A developmental approach would view these good intentions as
an opportunity to work with these individuals to develop more effective, sustainable, and consistent allies. By understanding where these
individuals are coming from and the developmental dimensions along
which their growth as aspiring allies can develop, student affairs professionals offer developmentally appropriate interventions and support to encourage growth and learning.
Aspiring Ally for Altruism
As an awareness of privilege begins to develop, seeking to engage in
ally behavior as a means of dealing with the guilt becomes a primary
underlying, often unconscious, motivator for Aspiring Allies for
Altruism. For members of dominant groups, recognition of the systemic nature of their privilege and oppression “often generates powerful emotional responses in students that range from guilt and shame
to anger and despair” (Tatum, 1992, pp. 1–2). This guilt is useful for
a time as it can help move those with privilege from an intellectualization of oppression to an emotional connection. However, guilt cannot be the sole motivator, as guilt alone does nothing to change the
systems granting privilege to some and oppressing others (Kimmel,
2003). With regard to racism, Tatum (2003) refers to this as the “guilty
White liberal” (p. 106). At this status, aspiring allies see the system
intellectually, but focus on other members of the dominant group as
the real perpetrators. By vilifying other members of their dominant
group, aspiring allies distance themselves from others in the agent
group in an attempt to minimize the guilt stemming from their
increasing awareness of unearned privilege.
When confronted with their own oppressive behaviors, they may
become highly defensive or have difficulty admitting mistakes in an
attempt to maintain their status as exceptional members of the dominant group and manage the guilt associated with this newly acknowledged privilege. For instance, a White woman working to end racism
may be willing to acknowledge the possibility of her own racism intellectually, perhaps doing so as way of differentiating herself from other
White people. She may also respond defensively if a Person of Color
points out the racist implications of a term she used during a training
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session, even defending herself by listing her “résumé” of anti-racist
efforts as justification, rationalization, or explanation.
One means of managing guilt is to seek the role of “rescuer” or “hero”
for members of the subordinate group. Aspiring Allies for Altruism see
members of the subordinate group as the sole victims of oppression
and do this work for them. The paternalistic nature of this altruism
may lead to positive gains in the short term, but ultimately perpetuates the system of oppression by placing aspiring allies in the role of
exceptional helper to the victims of oppression. This paternalistic
approach may also unconsciously feed one’s own sense of power and
privilege. Aspiring Allies for Altruism seek to empower members of
the oppressed group, which maintains credit and some control in the
person doing the empowering, rather than encouraging and supporting members of the oppressed group to empower themselves. This
may be part of a spiritual or moral view that helping others is the right
thing to do. Freire (1972/2000) explains that rationalizing “guilt
through paternalistic treatment of the oppressed, all the while holding
them first in a position of dependence, will not do” (p. 49). In this
way, Aspiring Allies for Altruism fail to recognize that one “must speak
with the oppressed without speaking for the oppressed” (Reason et al.,
2005a, p. 1).
Burnout in Aspiring Allies for Altruism is common because of the
energy needed to maintain their status as an exceptional member of
the dominant group, denying to both self and others their own
oppressive socialization, and a need for continued acceptance from
the other. Because these aspiring allies do not see how members of the
dominant group are also hurt by the system of oppression, aspiring
allies view their efforts as selfless and altruistic efforts that should be
welcomed with praise and approval from the subordinate group. In
this way, aspiring allies’ guilt can become a liability, as members of the
oppressed group are often sought out to reaffirm and support the
aspiring allies, once again placing the burden of oppression on members of the subordinate group.
Many student affairs professionals may recognize themselves in the
description of an Aspiring Ally for Altruism or recognize some of their
most active and engaged students on issues of diversity. This desire to
help members of oppressed groups is admirable in many ways and
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should not be discouraged. This motivation has lead to many excellent anti-oppressive efforts. However, this perspective does leave
aspiring allies vulnerable to many obstacles and often limits them to
simply responding to, rather than actively addressing, the systemic
roots of oppression. Cultivating a selfish motivation to end oppression
by encouraging an understanding of the way forms of oppression also
hurt members of the dominant group, in addition to this altruism, can
help aspiring allies transcend their guilt and begin to see their role
working towards social justice in new and liberating ways.
Ally for Social Justice
Individuals acting as Allies for Social Justice work with those from the
oppressed group in collaboration and partnership to end the system of
oppression. The collaborative and systemic aspects of how aspiring
allies view their role is congruent with definitions of social justice
allies (Bell, 1997; Broido, 2000).
Allies for Social Justice recognize that members of dominant groups
are also harmed by the system of oppression, although the harm done
to members of dominant groups is not the same nor comparable to the
harm done to subordinate groups. By working towards social justice,
allies are seeking not only to free the oppressed but also to liberate
themselves and reconnect to their own full humanity (Freire,
1972/2000). Accepting the reality and influence of privilege, Allies for
Social Justice see escaping, impeding, amending, redefining, and dismantling systems of oppression as a means of liberating us all.
Rather than being allies to an individual (e.g., my friend, my sister, my
roommate), these individuals are allies to issues such as classism,
racism, or religious oppression (Kendall, 2006). Allies for social justice also see the interconnectedness of forms of oppression and recognize how limiting it can be to seek strategies addressing one form of
oppression in isolation (Bell & Griffin, 1997).
As a means of monitoring their own unacknowledged oppressive
socialization (Harro, 2000), these allies seek to develop systems and
structures to hold themselves accountable and be held accountable by
members of oppressed groups, without placing the burden for
accountability on the oppressed (Kivel, 2002). Allies for Social Justice
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connect and take responsibility for working with others from dominant groups, rather than seeking to separate from them, in an effort to
bring about justice in the interest of all. From this perspective, ending
oppression may be grounded in spiritual or moral principles and an
effort to better connect all individuals, both oppressors and the
oppressed, to restore individual and collective humanity and spiritual
liberation.
This blended motivation to dismantle the system of oppression creates
a sustainable passion for social justice that is not dependent on the
praise and favor of the oppressed. Rather than being defensive, allies
actively seek out critique, not only to be effective allies, but also as a
means to realizing their own full humanity. Allies are open to feedback
not only as a way of helping the other but also as a means to illuminate their own oppressive socialization and privilege, a necessary part
of the ongoing process of liberating members of the privileged group
from their own internalized dominant socialization. For example,
instead of fearing that her own racism will be pointed out by her students and responding with defensiveness, a faculty member instead
genuinely appreciates a greater consciousness of her racist socialization and as a result actively and systemically seeks out such feedback.
If she is able to view this feedback as a gift, contributing to her own
increased consciousness and liberation, she is likely to be more
accountable to members of subordinate groups. This not only creates
more sustainable and consistent allies but also allies less likely to unintentionally replicate the hierarchical power structures of the system of
oppression.
Application
This conceptual model is intended as a tool for self-reflection and
developing more effective allies. Several issues must be considered in
the application of this conceptual model in student affairs practice,
including the nonlinear and aspirational nature of aspiring ally identity development, distinctions between intent and outcome, consistent
anti-oppressive action, and the problematic nature of self-identifying
as an ally.
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Considerations
Although this model is presented rather distinctly for clarity, individual experiences and real life applications are likely to be more fluid. As
is common with identity development conceptualizations, this model
is not intended to be a strictly linear or chronological model (Kegan,
1994). Helms (1992) describes White racial identity as a cylinder that
fills or empties depending on the individual and environmental context. Like Helms (1995), this model uses status rather than stage or
level to reflect this fluidity. Individuals who support social justice
efforts likely hold each of these identity perspectives within themselves and may act from one perspective in one interaction and another perspective in the very next interaction, depending on complex
internal and external factors. The goal of development is to foster a
more complex and sophisticated consciousness that is more stable and
less likely to regress or recycle through earlier statuses (Kegan, 1994).
As a result of these constant changes in the individual and the environments, the Ally for Social Justice status is an aspirational identity
one must continuously work towards.
For those who are the direct targets of oppression, underlying motivations may appear to be irrelevant; only the outcome of the behavior
matters (Washington & Alimo, 2005). If someone acts in a way that
works against the system of oppression, confronting a homophobic
joke for instance, it may not matter what the underlying motivation is
to the person who is a direct or even indirect target of that joke. As
educators seeking to be effective allies and to develop effective ally
behaviors in